George Tree (ALP) vs Luke Herdegen (ON), Ryan Robertson (Lib) and way too many others
Cause of by-election: resignation of Paul Papalia (ALP)
ELECTORAL, POLLING AND POLITICAL ANALYSIS, COMMENT AND NEWS FROM THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CLARK. THIS MACHINE KILLS BAD ELECTORAL SYSTEMS. IF USING THIS SITE ON MOBILE YOU CAN SCROLL DOWN AND CLICK "VIEW WEB VERSION" TO SEE THE SIDEBAR FULL OF GOODIES.
It was as sure as night follows day, as sure as daylight savings fading the curtains (oh wait) that the Stafford by-election result would see the Queensland right again beating the drum for optional preferences. On cue we have an op ed by Morgan Begg from the IPA in the Courier-Mail trying to argue that compulsory preferential voting is some kind of aberration that has saved Labor's seat with the aid of obscure leftoids. Begg's arguments contain a remarkable number of errors, but are also typical of the misguided and poorly debated push to return to full OPV in Queensland.
Begg is probably not responsible for the headline but for starters compulsory preferential voting is hardly an "Absurd Qld voting quirk". Rather it is the standard form of preferential voting as it exists federally and currently (with very minor differences) in four states - and as it has existed federally, continuously, for 108 years. (OK between 1984 and 1996 we did have a federal savings provision which allowed for a voter to deliberately exhaust their preferences, but few voters knew about that).
Huon: Clare Glade-Wright (IND) elected, gain from Dean Harriss (IND)
Rosevears: Jo Palmer (Lib) retain.
The rolling of Sussan Ley as leader of a floundering Liberal Party has led to a fascinating by-election for her seat of Farrer. This guide will be updated from time to time with any polling news and with items of interest re candidates etc. I will be providing live coverage on the night of May 9.
Farrer
Much of the electoral history of Farrer has been told in Antony Green's post here. It has had just four MPs since 1949, three Liberals and a National. Until very recently it had only ever been of the slightest interest when vacant. Tim Fischer easily won the seat for the Nationals at the 1984 general election. On his retirement in 2001 Sussan Ley gained it for the Liberals by 206 votes after preferences, the result being so close only because Labor ran and recommended preferences to the Nationals.
The seat has never been 2PP-competitive, only sneaking into technical 2PP-marginal territory by a handful of votes in 1972. It saw its first serious independent attempt when Albury Mayor Kevin Mack ran against Ley in 2019. This attempt was so hyped that betting agencies gave Mack a roughly even chance of winning but Ley won very easily, clearing 50% on primaries with a 60.9% 2CP.
Until the 2025 election Ley had the longest active streak of wins on first preferences in the parliament (seven) but the challenge from Voices of Farrer and Climate200 endorsed Michelle Milthorpe severely dented Ley's primary vote and Ley finished up with only a 6.2% margin after preferences. However, Farrer remained one of the most conservative seats in the country, ranking 11th on Coalition House of Reps 2PP down from 8th in 2022. Some might think its 2PP being near the top of the list was down to Ley's personal vote but this is actually not true at all; on above the line Senate 2PP Farrer was in fact the Coalition's fourth best seat nationwide.
Who's in the mix?
There are five four possibly competitive forces in Farrer. Comments re candidates will be added when known but this is not intended as a candidate guide. All candidates can be seen in a debate here.
* Liberals. Contesting. Justin Clancy (MP for Albury (Lib 16.3%)) was reported as a possible Liberal contender (setting up a scenario where he and Helen Dalton might both resign their state seats to run) but isn't running. The candidate is Raissa Butkowski, an Albury councillor.
* Nationals. Contesting. The Nationals candidate is Brad Robertson, a former military commander.
* One Nation. Contesting. Sooner than they might have liked, One Nation faces a potential get off the pot moment. If their national polling is still as high as at present following the change in Liberal leadership then they would be expected to poll strongly in this by-election and failure to do so would damage their momentum and raise some questions about their standing in the polls. The One Nation candidate is David Farley, a prominent agricultural businessman. As is common with One Nation candidates he already has a problematic past comment that has resurfaced - but this one is also attracting more endorsements than most. Oh, more trouble - he claims it was an accident. (Three times?)
Further debate broke out with news that Farley had sought to join and run for Labor in 2022 and had also donated to them as recently as 2023, although this seems to result more than anything from a dislike of the Coalition. One Nation supporters have been defensive about this but the fact is that the party has a woeful defection rate and their habit of slurping up other parties' rejects is an obvious contributing factor to this.
In the final days of the campaign perceptions that Farley is going to become an independent at some point, perhaps sooner rather than later, if elected are growing.
* Milthorpe (IND). Contesting. Michelle Milthorpe immediately announced she would run for Farrer again.
Also-rans
Interesting by-elections often attract large fields of uncompetitive micro-party and obscure independent candidates, some of whom are often paper candidates from nowhere near the electorate.
* The Greens' candidate is Richard Hendrie.
* Family First (v 2) immediately announced they would re-run Rebecca Scriven who polled 2.15% in 2025. I have not been able to verify from her S44 declaration whether Scriven is eligible for election or not - though she plausibly could be - as this apparently depends on her year of birth.
* Gerard Rennick People First announced they were running, to the vivid interest of nobody; they came last with 2.02% in 2025. Their candidate, James Bonniefin, as best I can tell has never lived in the electorate.
* Sustainable Australia is running Lucas James Ellis.
* Gary Pappin is an independent and a councillor on Murray River Council. He has experience in mining, farming and water resource management. Pappin is a Mutthi Mutthi man who has had a significant role in management of the Mungo National Park and the Willandra Lakes Region World Heritage Area. Pappin doesn't seem to be any kind of easily classifiable independent, I would probably have put him under group 5 (others) in my federal election article.
* Legalise Cannabis are running Aimee Lee Pearson. It appears she is ineligible for election as her S44 checklist says that she has applied to renounce New Zealand citizenship but has not received the renunciation yet.
* Roger Woodward is a serial independent candidate with a pretty random collection of policies who has also run in Cook and Berowra. He does not live in the electorate (in fact he lives in Hornsby in Berowra).
* The Shooters Fishers and Farmers candidate is Peter Sinclair.
Not Contesting
* Dalton (IND) Helen Dalton is the state MP for the district of Murray, which is the western end of Farrer. She won the seat in 2019 as an endorsed Shooters, Fishers and Farmers candidate but running a largely independent-style campaign. She quit said party in 2022 over water issues, and was returned as an independent in 2023 with an outright majority in a field of ten candidates. Dalton was already canvassing a possible run for Farrer in 2028. She would have to resign her state seat to contest. On Mar 6 Dalton confirmed she would not contest.
* The unregistered Riverina State Party (which supports a new state covering the Victorian/NSW border areas) expressed interest in running but this may have been contingent on its registration being approved in time, which didn't happen. The party submitted a list of 1646 putative members to the AEC in late October 2025 but has not been advertised yet. The advertising phase followed by AEC assessment takes more than a month and party registration froze once the writ was issued for the by-election. (I've heard they may have passed AEC checking prior to advertising.)
Prospects
This section will be edited where needed to update it. As of 15 March we have a messy four-way battle where it is not obvious who the final two will be. The AEC will have a challenging task in picking which candidate pair to use for the notional two-candidate count on the night (they may go with Liberal vs Milthorpe just because those were the final two last time, though there has been one poll suggesting One Nation could make the final two.)
Farrer is a relatively strong seat for One Nation, but not super strong. Their Reps primary of just an average 6.6% is misleading because it would have been affected by Milthorpe and the relatively large field. In the Senate, One Nation polled 9.96% in Farrer, compared to a NSW total of 6.06%. If their national polling swing is real and flows through to Farrer they should be looking at a primary of at very least high 20s and probably much more (because One Nation tend to get inflated swings in strong areas) - but it's not that simple.
At the 2025 election, minor right preferences did not assist Ley vs Milthorpe, with One Nation, Family First and GRPF breaking only slightly to her and Trumpet of Patriots and Shooters Fishers and Farmers preferences breaking to Milthorpe. This suggests a lot of the voters in Farrer while anti-Labor aren't wildly pro-Coalition either and are looking for any alternative ahead of the majors (something we also saw with strong ON flows to independents in the 2022 SA election). I'd expect on that basis that any independents that run and One Nation are to a more than obvious degree fishing in the same pond. Perhaps this will make it hard for One Nation to get a really high primary - but it is also a problem for the independent.
It is possible that Milthorpe could get a large enough primary from many of the seat's non-conservative voters to lead on primaries, with the question then being how strong are the flows between the conservative parties and in what order they are knocked out. Butkowski seems a good choice by the Liberals to attempt to cover off against Milthorpe.
Dalton would have been a dangerous opponent on preferences had she run and made the final two, but with a splintered vote and having to sit between Milthorpe and One Nation it could have been hard for her to do so.
The South Australian election showed generally not very good performances by rural/regional independents, with One Nation polling fully as well as their polling implied.
All kinds of modelling and calculations may be entered into as to what might occur here but in a rural electorate and with this being a by-election and not a general, I suspect a lot of it will be about candidate quality and the outcome could therefore be quite different from any modelling attempt.
Polls etc
Single-seat polling is unreliable.
An Australia Institute seat poll (presumably a uComms poll) was reported on 9 Mar taken sometime between 5 and 9 Mar with "One Nation topped the count at 28.6 per cent of the total, followed by independent Ms Milthorpe (23.3 per cent), the Liberal Party (19.1 per cent), Labor (not running - 9 per cent), undecided voters (8.6 per cent) and the Greens (3.9 per cent), and the remaining 2.3 per cent favoured another party or candidate." The news.com.au report omitted a feeble 5.2% for the Nationals. While the media report said 64.1% of the non-One Nation voters would not consider voting for them at all ... which doesn't necessarily mean they won't preference them. After reallocating Labor and undecided thanks to the full poll report (with a few minor design issues not helping) I estimate the primaries at One Nation 31.4 Milthorpe 29.4 Liberal 21.7 National 7.4 Green 5.4 other 2.7 (an underestimate as other was excluded from the undecided voter follow-up), unaccounted for 1.8. Note that Milthorpe's support could be overestimated by her being named, so there's actually a good chance here that the final two would be One Nation vs Liberal, making it possible the Liberals could retain on Milthorpe and Greens preferences. As with many uComms polls the 18-34 age group is curiously conservative looking in this poll. A question in the form "who do you least want to win" gets One Nation 37.1 Milthorpe 29.5 Liberal 22.2 National 11.2.
A second uComms commissioned by Milthorpe and taken April 9-10 has One Nation ahead - on raw primaries ON 30.9 Milthorpe 30 Lib 16.1 Nat 7.1 Greens 3.8 FF 1.2 SAP 0.1 (yay!) Others 2.9 undecided 7.9, coming out to 52.7-47.3 to One Nation by respondent preferences (which I would expect to underestimate the margin because of Coalition how to vote cards favouring One Nation). The sample has Farley 14.6 points ahead on primaries of male voters with Milthorpe 12 points ahead among female voters. I have not found a distribution of the undecided. The major candidates were named. One Nation's social media account has misleadingly published the breakdown for male voters as if it was the overall poll.
Sky News said that "leaked" (by which they mean given away) Liberal polling had One Nation winning easily but provided no further details, other than it sounds like One Nation are ahead on primaries.
In non-poll news:
A projection tweeted by the 6 News @auspoll6 Twitter account (with One Nation very narrowly winning) was incorrectly claimed to be a poll by some accounts despite being explicitly labelled as a projection based off Newspoll and as not being a by-election prediction. The tweet has now been deleted following criticism, including from Pyxis who conduct Newspoll. What was not stated in the tweet was that the projection (with One Nation narrowly beating Liberal) was not even a uniform swing projection off Newspoll but was a projection of what would happen in Farrer if a general election was held now based on various (as far as I'm aware) unpublished assumptions about how the primary votes found by Newspoll would be reflected in particular seats. There is a danger even if someone grasps that such a model is a projection of them thinking that there is one particular way to project a seat off a national poll, or even that projecting a seat off a national poll is any kind of reliable exercise.
Other projections such as MRP outputs are of limited value too. MRP outputs are meant to be collectively indicative of groups of seat types, and not reliable for a single seat at the best of times. But also they are not designed for by-elections. For a by-election what we want to see is seat-specific polling, preferably neutrally commissioned, transparent and certainly without any "aided vote" preambles.
Betting
Amusingly, seat betting has been seen. Seat betting is not reliably predictive. As of 16 Feb an early offering was NAT 2.00 Ind 2.99 ON 4.50 Lib 4.75 ALP 34 Greens 67.
23 Feb: Ind 2.50 Nat 2.60 ON 3.50 Lib 7 ALP 51 Greens 101
5 Mar: Ind 1.91 Nat 3.40 ON 4.33 Lib 7 ALP 51 Greens 101
As of 13 Mar the above odds hadn't moved, a different site had Ind 1.65 ON 2.75 Nat 4.50 Lib 8.00. On 15 Mar Ind was out to 1.75 and Nat in to 3.75 on that one.
16 Mar: Second market now at Ind 1.90 ON 2.40 Nat 3.75 Lib 9.00.
18 Mar: Both markets similar now: Ind 2 ON 2.60 Nat 5.10 Lib 8.00 vs Ind 1.85 ON 2.5 Nat 5.50 Lib 9.00
24 Mar: 1.95/2.39/6.40/8.50 vs 1.80/2.30/7.50/8.00
8 April: One is offline, the second is 1.75/1.95/9/13, so the market increasingly sees this as a Milthorpe vs One Nation race.
24 April: Not sure when it finally flipped (had done so by April 20) but now ON 1.40 vs 2.80 and 1.38/3.10
30 April: 1.33/3.30/19/51.
7 May: 1.18/4.75/19/51. Another site had 1.09 vs 6.50
In a nice appertiser for the federal election year, Victoria has a couple of unusually interesting state by-elections coming up on February 8, which I intend to cover on the night. One is especially interesting because it's a more or less stock-standard test for the theory that the a government is in trouble, the other because of its uniqueness. This is a preview post for these by-elections where I look at some factors that might affect the results; I will add notes on polling if I see any.
During last night's Cook by-election count there were a few comments about the swing column. All six parties/independents had recorded a positive swing from the 2022 election. In the case of Cook this was not at all surprising - three of the parties and the one independent had not even run in the seat in 2022, so their "swing" was automatically plus. The Greens were always going to get a primary vote swing with no Labor candidate and no prominent left/centre independent. That left the Liberals, and the question was whether they could gain enough primaries from the 34.6% who voted Labor, UAP or One Nation in 2022 to compensate for replacing a former Prime Minister and 17-year incumbent with some dude from outside the electorate. This they did with 7% to spare and lo and behold there's a neat little line of pluses in the swing column for the recontesting candidates:
This is a common event in by-elections where one major party doesn't contest. It has happened by my count in 9 of 21 such by-elections in the last 50 years, the others being Perth and Batman 2018, Higgins 2009, Isaacs 2000, Holt 1999, Blaxland 1996, Wentworth 1995, and Menzies 1991. Perth 2018 achieved this feat despite having 15 candidates, however only three parties were recontesting. Blaxland 1996 had five recontestants - I should note that I treat an independent as such only if it is the same person running and doing so as an independent both times.
Ipswich West (ALP 14.4% - resignation of Jim Madden (ALP)
Labor loses seat with 2PP swing of around 18%
Inala (ALP 28.2% - resignation of Annastacia Palaszczuk (ALP)
Labor retains with 2PP swing in low 20%s.
Comments scrolling to top - refresh every 15 mins or so during counting for new comments
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11:30 End of night wrap: Although the ABC haven't called this seat yet for some reason, I want to make it clear there is no coming back for Labor in Ipswich West and why I called it hours ago. They are currently over 1300 behind on 2PP counted votes, but adding in primary votes yet to be added that jumps out to over 1500, and it will probably be more (or at least not substantially less) after preferences. And then, apart from the pretty standard Yamanto booth that has not reported yet (assuming it will do so) there are only about 3000 postals to come and there would have to be a swing to Labor on them, which there will not be (though they may not swing nearly as badly as the booths). There is nothing in the booth counts to suggest any errors either. [UPDATE 12:00 Many postals have now been added and have been similar to the booth swing.]
I expected both of these to go over the historic swing averages (in the case of Inala as adjusted for a Premier retirement) but they have done so by close to 10%. They are reminiscent of the famous Stafford and Redcliffe beltings suffered by the Newman government on the way to the enormous swing against it in 2015. I am not expecting the Miles Labor government to suffer anything like so large a swing at this year's election but I have for a long time been expecting Labor to lose in October and to probably do so decisively (but it might yet be close). This is simply what is to be expected given that it will be a nearly ten year old government that is the same party as the party in power federally.
Aside from the LNP, tonight's other winner is Legalise Cannabis who have again done very well in a by-election, including beating One Nation in a seat where One Nation was finishing second at a general election as recently as 2017.
Last night saw the Labor government get the good end of the stick in the Dunkley by-election, easily retaining a seat that was precariously above the long-term average swing for government vacancy by-elections. It's no disaster for the Liberals who have got a modest swing with some mitigating factors but they (especially Jane Hume) were out in force last night spinning the outcome as a triumph. Together with the usual nonsense about first-term governments not in recent decades losing seats and governments not losing by-elections caused by deaths (both based on trivially small sample sizes) I heard a lot about how they had turned Dunkley marginal and they were coming for the seat.
Marginal seat status where a seat is retained is determined by general election results not by-elections (so Dunkley is no more a marginal seat than it was before), but this made me wonder, does getting a seat inside the marginal range at a by-election predict anything at all? I've found that such seats have historically almost always been retained by the government at the next election, although on average the election-to-election swing has been worse than the national average in such cases. The idea that the Liberals have put Dunkley in serious danger next time with a swing that is not even bog-average for a government vacancy by-election has no basis.
Summary
Fadden (LNP 10.6%), vacancy for resignation of Stuart Robert
CALLED (7:26 pm) Cameron Caldwell (LNP) retain
Small 2PP swing to LNP ( 2.72%), slightly above average for contested opposition vacancy
Poor result for Greens, One Nation and obscure independents, strong result for Legalise Cannabis
Live Comments (scrolls to top)
12 August: The final results have been published and the swing is 2.72%. Legalise Cannabis stayed ahead of the Greens, failing to overtake One Nation by just 31 votes. There are "swings" to both the LNP and Labor and away from One Nation at the 4CP stage, but this is not comparing like with like because Legalise Cannabis are the fourth party. The most striking result in the figures is that the flow of One Nation preferences to LNP jumped to 77.06%, which exceeds the flow in any classic-2PP seat in the entire 2022 election except Gippsland. In the Gippsland case One Nation were first on the ballot and the National's Darren Chester was second, so the flow included donkey and similar votes. I would take this as a sign that One Nation voters are pleased that Peter Dutton is LNP leader, although it may also be they are happier to have Stuart Robert gone and/or that they are displeased with Anthony Albanese, his government or its Voice proposal.
Friday 28th: The remaining postals count has gone to zero so the primary count is probably done now barring very minor corrections in the distribution of preferences. 88.5% of postals came back but 4.1% were disallowed, meaning 84.4% made the cut, a very common figure. Swing is now 2.72%, turnout is 72.54% and the Citizens Party is last by 19 votes. Next we get the distribution of preferences sometime next week maybe, which will yield some interesting order of exclusion and probably 3PP/4PP data involving One Nation, Legalise Cannabis and the Greens.
Welcome to my brief guide to the second by-election of the Albanese government's first term, for the northern Gold Coast seat of Fadden. Fadden has been vacated by former Minister Stuart Robert, an endlessly controversial MP and close ally of former Prime Minister Scott Morrison (whose career as member for Cook is widely believed to be approaching its end as well).
Fadden was created in 1977 and was initially very slightly Coalition-leaning compared to the national average, running at just over 1 point above the national 2PP in 1977, 1980 and 1983. On this basis Labor won it in 1983 but an adverse redistribution made it notionally Liberal and the one term ALP incumbent, David Beddall, decamped to Rankin. The seat was won back by the Liberals in 1984 and remained fairly marginal through the Hawke/Keating years but was won with a large swing in 1996 (partly fuelled by a further redistribution) and since then has generally favoured the Coalition by between 10 and 13% compared to the national 2PP. In this time only in 1998 did the 2PP go below 60% to Coalition so it is now a very solid LNP seat with a serious claim to be one of the most electorally boring seats in the nation.