Tuesday, May 13, 2025

Not-A-Poll Reset 1 of 2025: Dutton Loses Seat

This morning Sussan Ley became the first female federal leader of the Liberal Party, elected 29-25 over Angus Taylor.  Taylor was running on a ticket that included the insane proposition that Jacinta Nampijinpa Price, a member of the Liberal partyroom for five earth minutes, should become deputy leader.  This was especially crazy because Price was such a totemic candidate for the toxic idea that the Coalition should be more Trumpy (making her a shadow minister for government efficiency when they already had one was one of the Coalition's many mistakes).  

All this is not to say I would have been remotely keen to vote for Ley if I was a Liberal party room member either, in fact, given this choice, I could not have possibly voted for either.  While Taylor generally seemed to be making very little effort in the previous term, Ley on the other side struck me as trying too hard and serially out of her depth.  Most notably so when she criticised the AEC over voting interpretation rules for the Voice Referendum during the ticks and crosses beatup, when the Coalition had not made any attempt to change the legislation, but there were many other examples.  

The good news for the Liberals is it probably doesn't matter.  If Ley is a success well and good, and if she fails they can tick and flick the box of having had a female leader and use it as an excuse to not do that again in a hurry.  Their two-term strategy for winning in 2028 is a crash scene (in part because they tried to turn it into a one-term strategy and wasted seats like Menzies in the process) and realistically this term is about rebuilding, trying to finish off the teals with help from the new donations regime (if it survives the High Court) and seeing how they go thereafter.  

Anyway, the Not-A-Poll has been restarted because Peter Dutton became the first Opposition Leader in federal history to lose his seat!  And not narrowly either; he currently has a 7.9% swing against him, the largest in all of Queensland.  The view that Dutton could lose was for much of the term a fringe one with its adherents derided on social media as "Dickson truthers" but as the Coalition's polling collapsed it became more realistic.  Still, it was not generally expected.

Dutton as Opposition Leader had a good run for a while and in late 2024 was less unpopular than Anthony Albanese.  However he was never popular in his own right and became the second Opposition Leader after Bill Shorten (2016-19 term) to go a full term without polling a single positive Newspoll net rating.  He also never beat Albanese on the incumbent-favouring Better Prime Minister metric in Newspoll (he did achieve 

However, Dutton being the next to cease to be leader was strongly expected by voters in the Not-A-Poll!

Albanese actually led this round until April 14.  From this point Dutton received 281 out of 366 votes to Albanese's 15.  Dutton's last 40 votes came without any votes for Albanese though there were a scattering of votes for others.  With this success, Not-A-Poll improves its hit rate to 6 of the last 13 departures correctly predicted including 4 of the last 5.  With Dutton gone and Albanese likely to want to stay on for at least a full second term, who will be next to go?

Of the current candidates Allan faces an election next November and has been polling poorly (though suspected brand damage failed to show up in the federal election where the Coalition couldn't even win back Aston).  There has also been low-level leadership speculation there.  Rockliff's government is in a somewhat unstable minority and perennially under the weather though Labor's disinterest in trying to form government has protected it from being brought down so far.  Barr might retire someday though this has been being said for many years.  Malinauskas is the next to go to an election but is generally not remotely expected to lose.  As for how long Ley will be leader who knows?  

Voting is open in the sidebar,  If viewing on mobile, scroll down and click "View web version"



Wednesday, May 7, 2025

2025 Senate Postcounts: National Thread

2025 EXPECTED WINS ALP 15 L-NP 12 GREEN 6 ON 1 POCOCK 1 

IN DOUBT (5)

NSW: ALP vs One Nation - ALP looks very strong

VIC: ALP vs One Nation (or less likely Legalise Cannabis or Coalition) - ALP leading but appears close

WA: ALP vs One Nation - ALP leading, possibly close

TAS: ALP vs Liberal vs JLN for two seats - JLN/Liberal leading fairly narrowly in projection

CARRIED OVER ALP 12 L-NP 14 GRN 5 ON 1 UAP 1 defectors 3

EXPECTED TOTAL ALP 27 L-NP 26 Grn 11 ON 2 Pocock 1 UAP 1 defectors 3 + 5 TBD

ALP needs to win 2/6 TBD seats for ALP/GRN combined majority (39) - very likely

ALP + non-Green others will have a blocking majority (38).  If Liberals lose in Tasmania it will be an outright majority (39).

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Welcome to my main thread for postcounts in the Senate, a day later starting than in 2022 because of the level of Reps chaos.  This page will include detail and updates for each state/territory but over time depending on how the races go and how much time I have I may break out the more complex and unclear races into their own threads.  This has already happened for Tasmania.  Some states will receive much higher detail level than others on account of the competitiveness of races.  Where races appear uncompetitive I won't be posting frequent updates.

On this page, a quota is c. 14.28% in the states and c. 33.33% in the territories.  A candidate will be elected if they reach quota, but in the case of the last seat or two may not need to get quota to be elected.  Votes are initially counted by party (whether above the line or below) and are then gradually sorted from "unapportioned" into ticket votes and candidate votes (BTLs).  This is a long and messy process.  Initially candidate below-the-lines will be much lower than where they eventually get to so please don't say "oh so-and-so only got 6 votes" until the unroll is finished.  (That said something I enjoy during this process is tracking the least successful candidates and watching to see who is slowest off the mark).  Previous elections have seen some significant below-the-line campaigns but this time it's all on party totals, except that in very very close races I will pay attention to leakage from surpluses and excluded minor candidates.  

As I start this thread, the Senate races are still quite undercounted, and the counts may not be geographically representative.  They are also often unrepresentative in terms of vote types counted, with booth votes tending to be high in the early count.  Working out how unrepresentative they are is very hard work, and outside Tasmania I won't be doing it until most of the Reps craziness goes away.  Small leads (especially those below 0.1 quotas) should not be relied upon to survive, and sometimes will fall over on preferences.  

Generally in the leadup it looked like if Labor won the election there would be a lot of 3-3 left-right splits and the new Senate might not be much different to the old one.  But the sheer scale of the win flowing through to the Senate has made the possible Labor threes very likely and the barely considered ones plausible.  I did consider Labor could win three in some states but NSW and Tasmania weren't on the menu!  The ball has also bounced badly for One Nation - with the growth in their vote another fairly close election could have seen them win everywhere.  But their vote hasn't gone up as much as polls for the Reps suggested, and the lopsided nature of the election sees them behind the third Labor candidate in four states, and on for yet more seventh place finishes to add to their large collection of such.

New South Wales

(Outgoing 2 Liberal 1 National 2 Labor 1 Green)

2 LIBERAL 2 LABOR 1 GREEN, ALP STRONGLY LEADS FOR SIXTH SEAT

The NSW count is at 69.7% which ought to be quite representative.  The quota leaders are:

ALP 2.671 quotas L-NP 2.013 Green 0.812 One Nation 0.411 Legalise Cannabis 0.240  TOP 0.165 Libertarian 0.134 Family First 0.115

Perin Davey who was defending the third Coalition seat won in 2022 has lost.  The only possible question here is whether One Nation's Warwick Stacey can bridge a vast gap (currently 3.7%) to Labor's Emilija Beljic.  I have had a look at 2022 preference flows - it is a little tricky because of the entries of Family First and Australian Christians who are both friendly towards One Nation but didn't run in this state in 2022 - and I think on a very good day he might close a third of it, but probably not even that much.  So this will be a Labor gain barring something pretty unusual (I'd think) in terms of late count shifting.

Saturday:  The count in NSW is now at 80.7% completed but changes since I started the article have been minor.  Labor is down 0.02, the Coalition up 0.07 (some of which is helpful to One Nation as One Nation are on the Coalition's how to vote card this time), Greens are down 0.04, One Nation are up 0.01.  Possibly on these numbers One Nation would close closer to half the gap on preferences but hard to see it being more.  

Victoria

(Outgoing 2 Liberal 2 Labor 1 Green 1 ex-Coalition IND)

2 LABOR 2 LIBERAL 1 GREEN, FINAL SEAT LABOR NARROWLY LEADS ONE NATION (LCP and COALITION also not far behind)

Wednesday: The Victorian count is at 60%.  The quota leaders are:

ALP 2.447 L-NP 2.140 GRN 0.914 ON 0.304 LCP 0.262 TOP 0.173 FF 0.128 Vic Socialists 0.115 AJP 0.104

Labor and the Coalition win two, the Greens one and the contenders for the last seat are potentially Labor's Michelle Ananda-Rajah, who might not have thought so much at the time of this consolation ticket after her seat of Higgins was abolished, One Nation's Warren Pickering and Legalise Cannabis star candidate Fiona Patten, former two-term Sex Party/Reason MLC.  

Currently Labor has a 2% lead over One Nation and a 2.6% lead over Legalise Cannabis.  While the Coalition might come up into this mix at least as a possible spoiler, if it just comes down to those three then it's hard to see Legalise Cannabis surviving as One Nation will be taking a good share of the micro right preferences while the micro left will be splitting two ways.  Also hard to see Legalise Cannabis catching Labor as big parties tend to do well on Senate flows and the preferences of minor left parties will never break that strongly between the two anyway.  

I have had a look at a posssible preference fight between Labor and One Nation on the current primaries and my rough estimate is One Nation might (or might not) pull back half the current gap on preferences but not the whole lot.  Factors in One Nation's favour include Family First and GRPF, new additions whose .2 of a quota combined should be some use to them, and also being on the Coalition's how to vote card.  In 2022 the Coalition HTV left both Labor and One Nation off.   On the Labor side it is possible the LCP vote will be more inner-city and the preference flows might be better for Labor but I have not checked whether the premise here is true.  Also Trumpet of Patriots preferences will be weaker for One Nation courtesy of the spat between the parties and TOP   It is worthwhile noting that above the line Victorian Socialists preferences broke very strongly (73.8-4.7) to Labor in a 2CP split with One Nation last time.

At the moment this seems close enough to be competitive and to monitor how Labor and One Nation (and LCP as well) track through the postcount.  

Saturday: The Victorian count is still slower than NSW at 73.1% of enrolment.  Since Wednesday Labor has dropped about 0.008 Q, Coalition is up 0.06, Greens down 0.045, One Nation up 0.003, LCP down 0.012.  These changes benefit One Nation and suggest they could now pull back more than half of the 0.132 Q gap on preferences and are still competitive.  The other thing to keep an eye on here is the possibility that the Coalition gets back ahead of One Nation though I would expect minor right preferences to favour One Nation strongly anyway.

Saturday night: In view of the Victorian count projecting as close I've had a look at the count completeness in various seats.  As I would expect the count is relatively slow in urban seats, often those with high absent rates (particularly Melbourne and Macnamara even after accounting for low turnout, but also a lot of the north-western Melbourne seats.)  These seats overall are good for Labor and slightly below average for One Nation, though one of them is Hawke where One Nation is doing well.  On the other hand the seats with high completion rates include rural/regional seats with very low absent rates, eg Gippsland Mallee and Wannon.  These tend to have very low Labor primaries and in some cases very high One Nation votes.  So tthe electorate breakdown suggests Labor would improve.  On the other hand the votes added so far are about 94.8% ordinary and 5.2% postals with less than 0.1% absents.  One might think adding absents and out of division prepolls would advantage Labor over One Nation but the reverse is true.  In 2022 Labor actually did better on postals than ordinary votes for Victorian Senate and worse on out of electorate votes than either.  That said absent votes boost the Greens and reduce the number of preferences they need to suck up.  All up I don't see strong signs that the count is unrepresentative overall.

Sunday: The Poll Bludger model just released projects One Nation will actually pull back nothing,   While this doesn't take into account the change in the Coalition's how to vote recommendation (which I have as worth around 0.05 Q), it is notable that my view above could still be a little generous to One Nation's position. 

Wednesday: Current leaders are Labor 2.438 Q Coalition 2.229 Green 0.852 One Nation 0.310 Legalise Cannabis 0.247 with a high 84.7% counted.  The changes since my last update are minor and in the same direction as the changes late last week, but some drift back to the left would not surprise especially with inner-city seats with high absents still undercounted.  The current count looks somewhat postals-heavy at 16.67% postals with absent and out of division prepolls still below 3%, but Victoria did have a very high postals rate this year.  

Queensland

(Outgoing 2 LNP 1 Labor 1 Green 1 One Nation 1 ex-LNP GRPF)

EXPECTED RESULT 2 LNP 2 LABOR 1 GREEN 1 ONE NATION

Labor suffered a shock result in Queensland 2019 winning only one seat to the LNP's three but has won that seat back here.  As I start the count is 48.7% complete and the quota leaders are

ALP 2.188 L-NP 2.032 Green 0.794 One Nation 0.488 Rennick 0.331 Legalise Cannabis 0.261 TOP 0.256 Family First 0.134 JLN 0.107 Indigenous-Aboriginal 0.100 

One Nation's primary vote here is at around the same modest level as in 2022 (the 0.5% swing may go away with more counting based on what happened then) and Gerard Rennick has done very well but he's not going to catch Malcolm Roberts on these numbers.  Preferences spray very messily in the Senate, perhaps Rennick will do well on some of them but One Nation are noted for racing on preferences.  I've held off calling it having not had time to check how representative the votes are but they would need to be quite wildly not so for anything to change.  

Western Australia

(Outgoing 3 Liberal 2 Labor 1 Green)

2 LABOR 2 LIBERAL 1 GREEN, ALP LEADS ONE NATION FOR LAST SEAT

WARNING The WA count is highly complex to project and is rated Wonk Factor 5/5

Wednesday: As I start, WA is at 56.3% completed. Quota leaders are:

ALP 2.564 Liberal 1.785 Green 0.942 One Nation 0.411 Legalise Cannabis 0.295 Nationals WA 0.226 Aus Christians 0.195 TOP 0.120 GRPF 0.105

The Liberals have lost their third seat, but have not lost a sitting Senator as Linda Reynolds retired at the election.  The contest is between Labor's Deep Singh (who is media advisor to Anne Aly) and One Nation's Tyron Whitten.

In some respects this closely resembles the movie we saw in 2022 when Labor with 2.418 quotas beat One Nation with 0.244 although preferences knocked the gap down from .174 Q to a final .108 Q.   That was seen as a freak win for Labor (Fatima Payman) but the strength of Labor's performance is such that they could do it again.  

At the moment the gap is 0.153 Q on primaries, so a little bit closer.  However there are some reasons to believe One Nation won't do as well on preferences if the music were to stop right now.  Firstly in 2022 the Liberal ticket had a surplus .217 Q that slightly helped One Nation (though not as much as might be thought); this year the Liberals are well short of second quota and will be soaking up right-wing preferences in competition with One Nation til they get there (the Nationals will be a signficant source though).  Secondly while the total for minor right parties is roughly the same, Legalise Cannabis whose preferences assist Labor are up by 0.06 Q.   The Greens are currently slightly weaker so will soak some of the left preferences, but not that much (and Greens can come up in late Senate counting anyway).

There is also the question of the strength of flows within the minor right movement given its infighting and the declining COVID issues mix that fuelled strong flows in 2022.  

All up if the count finishes like this, Labor wins.  For One Nation to have any chance the gap on primaries needs to narrow.

Saturday: The live count is at 70.5%.  Both Labor and One Nation have dropped back but the gap has closed very slightly to .150 Q.  The Liberal vote has come up to 1.852 Q and the Greens are down to 0.909.  So that speeds up the Liberals getting to two quotas so they no longer soak up minor right preferences, and slows down the Greens getting to two meaning they will take more minor left preferences.  These changes help One Nation but not nearly enough at this stage.

Sunday: The Poll Bludger model just released has the race for the final seat extremely close, but this is based partly on assuming the Nationals preferences pass entirely to the Liberals.  The Nationals ran in 2019 with only 62% of their ATL preferences having the Liberals at number 2 and those that did then spraying, though they polled more poorly than this year so their vote may be more how-to-votey this time.  Actually what the Nationals voters do with their preferences beyond the share sent to the Liberals is only really relevant in the event that the Nationals are cut out after the Liberals cross their second quota, and it will require a model of the full count to estimate when the Liberals might do that.  At present, to cross before the Nationals were thrown the Liberals would need to gain .148 quota out of .7478 quotas of preferences (just under 20%) that were being thrown between themselves, Greens, Labor, One Nation, Legalise Cannabis and exhaust. 

An interesting question is not just when the Liberals cross quota but by how much on the specific exclusion where they cross.  The reason for this is when the Coalition crosses quota, whatever surplus they have will be dominated by Coalition votes - in fact over-dominated because the undemocratic Inclusive Gregory system for surplus transfers will treat Coalition votes that had already used part of their value electing Slade Brockman as if they hadn't.   Probably this won't have a big impact on the count.  If the Coalition cross by a little bit on an unfavourable preference source then their surplus will be small anyway, and if they cross by a substantial amount then that will probably be on a favourable preference source (like the Nationals) whose preferences would have flowed in a fairly similar way.

Something else I didn't mention is that in 2022 the Liberals omitted One Nation from their preference card in six inner-city seats, but that has not been repeated, so the Liberal to One Nation flow may be slightly stronger.  

Wednesday: The count is still only at 81.1%.  Labor's lead is out slightly to 0.156 Q, the Liberals are up to 1.874 and the Greens down to 0.891.  However as noted with Victoria from here it is quite common for counts to drift back to the left, especially as absents tend to be undercounted.  

South Australia

(Outgoing 3 Liberal 2 Labor 1 Green)

2 LABOR 2 LIBERAL 1 GREEN, LABOR STRONGLY LEADS FOR SIXTH SEAT

Wednesday: The Senate count in SA is quite advanced at 72.4%.  Quota leaders are:

Labor 2.698 Liberal 1.908 Green 0.920 One Nation 0.360 TOP 0.197 Legalise Cannabis 0.195 JLN (Rex Patrick) 0.184 Family First 0.141

David Fawcett (Liberal) loses his seat and there is something we might on current numbers pretend is a fight between Labor's Charlotte Walker and One Nation's Jennifer Game.  The current gap is 4.8% and given how much of the count is in I'm treating that for now as an expected win for Labor.  The count is most advanced in Mayo and least in Makin and Grey, the latter suggesting the gap should close slightly.  

Saturday: Count is now at 80.0% and virtually nothing has changed.  

Tasmania

(Outgoing 2 Liberal 2 Labor 1 Green 1 JLN)

2 LABOR 1 LIBERAL 1 GREEN 2 UNDECIDED (JLN vs LIBERAL vs LABOR)

The catastrophic collapse of the Liberal vote in the Reps in Tasmania, particularly northern Tasmania, has flowed through to the Senate and made what looked in all probability a boring race much more exciting.  Lee Hanson (ON) is also not that far off the pace but in my view isn't going to get out of eighth.  At at my most recent check, my model projects that Lambie followed by the Liberals are narrowly leading Labor for the final two seats.  See separate page.

Australian Capital Territory

(Outgoing 1 Labor 1 Pocock)

CALLED RESULT 1 POCOCK 1 LABOR

David Pocock has absolutely smashed it on his re-election attempt and is currently on 1.18 quotas with a swing to him of a staggering 18%, what a brilliant performance by Pocock.  I am reminded of the 17% primary swing to Andrew Wilkie on his first Reps re-election in Denison 2013 and suggest the reasons are much the same.  There was a lot of thought that if Pocock outperformed Labor might be at risk but the Liberals' attacks on the Canberra public service, not to mention a lead candidate who 40% of preselectors wanted to dump, have seen the Liberals poll a miserable 17.1%, meaning they would not have a quota in their own right if there were four ACT seats let alone two!  Labor is on 31.7% and the preference distribution should go like this: Pocock elected 1, surplus distributed, Gallagher elected 2, all over! 

Northern Territory

(Outgoing 1 Labor 1 CLP)

CALLED RESULT 1 LABOR 1 CLP

Despite some ridiculous speculation in drip twitter circles about Jacinta Price losing her seat (which would have required a c. 15% 2PP swing - where do they think this is, Braddon?) Price has in fact pulled quota in her own right; she is currently on 1.07 quotas to Labor's 0.96.  The reason for the swing to the CLP is that in 2022 Sam McMahon ran as a Liberal Democrat and bit into their vote; in the Reps there is a large swing to Labor in Lingiari but a large swing to the CLP in Solomon, roughly cancelling out.  Labor will cross on minor party preferences with nobody else remotely near them.  



Tuesday, May 6, 2025

2025: House of Reps Postcount: Ryan

RYAN (Grn vs LNP 2.65, Grn vs ALP 3CP 4.75)

Whichever of Elizabeth Watson-Brown (GRN) and Rebecca Hack (ALP) makes final two wins seat.

Watson-Brown makes final two - Green retain

Click here for link to Reps postcount hub and tallyboard page 

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I've been slow getting onto the count for Ryan firstly because there are so many weird seats at this election and secondly because on election night it seemed to be a reasonably easy hold for the Greens.  But Greens and teals have been copping a savage wrath from postal voters in the Melbourne inner city seats so it's time to check in on Ryan - it is interesting even if it turns out not to be close.  Through much of the term Elizabeth Watson-Brown was seen as the most endangered of the four Greens MHRs, now with Adam Bandt in a dodgy situation in Melbourne it's possible if she wins she'll be the last one standing.  The Greens have clearly lost Brisbane where they have fallen to third and have clearly lost Griffith where the LNP appears to be third at the three-candidate point (or failing that, they are).  They also appear not to be gaining Wills though I am still to check that in detail, and won't get there in Richmond where Justine Elliot is making the final two which guarantees her victory.  

The count for Ryan has much in common with Brisbane 2022.

As I start this article the primary votes with 78.0% counted are:

Maggie Forrest (LNP) 34.84
Elizabeth Watson-Brown (Grn) 29.11
Rebecca Hack (ALP) 28.20
N De Lapp (GRPF) 2.31
Robbie Elsom (ON) 2.14
Donna Gallehawk (FF) 1.25
Ryan Hunt (TOP) 1.24
Gina Masterton (FUSION) 0.92

Currently Watson-Brown leads Hack on primary votes by 655.

The minor parties are mostly right-wing, except for FUSION that was left but is now best described as confused (more here). 

Forrest cannot win; in the figures available before the Liberal/Green preference count was pulled Watson-Brown was getting close to 70% of preferences and the preference flow by booth was strongly corellated with what share of the other votes in each booth were Labor.  Applied across the current live count I project Watson-Brown to get 70.2% of preferences if she remains in second which translates to a 54.4% win on current numbers.  If Hack makes the final two instead the flow will at least be similar and may even be slightly stronger.  The question is only which of Watson-Brown and Hack goes through to this contest.

At present Watson-Brown has a 0.99% lead with 7.86% in minor right preferences.  One might think that the minor right voters would prefer Labor to the Greens and therefore Hack is a good chance to pull in this gap.  But the catch here is that the votes will be splitting three ways between LNP, Labor and Greens at this point.  Furthermore, while one might still think that Labor would get more than the Greens, in the past this has not been the case.  On the distribution of One Nation candidates in 2022, the Greens outperformed Labor by 6% in Griffith, 8% in Ryan, 15% in Brisbane (this includes votes received by ON from other sources).  UAP preferences also slightly favoured the Greens over Labor at this stage. Once you take out the actually conservative One Nation voters in an inner-city seat where One Nation gets no votes, those who are left tend to be random and major-party-haters and few would see a logical reason to put Labor above both the LNP and Greens.

Perhaps given the strength of Labor's performance at this election and the weakness of the LNP (and to a lesser extent the Greens in these inner-city seats) the pattern will be different this time and the Greens will not gain on Labor off the minor party preferences, and I would welcome any scrutineering estimates on that.  If past patterns hold up the Greens would be likely to gain, say, half a point off the four minor right parties.  In the 2022 Senate Ryan FUSION voters who didn't exhaust their ballot split Greens 68 ALP 21 LNP 11.  A Reps flow might not be so strong because it would include some random votes but I'll say the Greens pick up at least a 0.3 point gain here.  So if things go as they have in the past Watson-Brown's effective live count lead is approaching 2%, but it is possible that they will not.  A lot would have to change in the preferencing behaviour of the 

In 2022 in ordinary votes (booth votes within electorate on the day and prepoll combined) the Greens got 31.7% in Ryan and Labor 22.4%.  There were 70877 formal ordinary votes. The relationship for the other groups was

Absents (3756) Greens 3.7% better than ordinaries, Labor 0.6% better
Provisionals (271) Greens +6.7 Labor -2.1
Out Of Div Prepolls (3875) Greens -2.2 Labor +0.1
Postals (20557) Greens -7.4 Labor -0.7

For 2022 there have been 77435 ordinary votes (that tally should be reasonably final), in which the Greens polled 30.34% to Labor's 28.31%.  There have so far been 11818 postals counted and in those the Greens are running at 10.62 below their ordinary vote while Labor is running at 0.83 below.  So so far Labor's performance on postals relative to booth votes in competition with the Greens is better (9.8 points gap compared to 6.7 points) but there is a dynamic where early-counted postals tend to be worse for the Greens than later ones.  I would not be surprised if by the end of the postal count this difference has entirely or at least mostly disappeared.  

An important factor here is that the postal vote in Ryan is down.  21099 postals were issued but not all postals come back, and a small number get rejected.  In Brisbane 2022 for which I have figures readily available, 81.1% of issued postals were returned, accepted and formal.  If that is repeated there are about 5300 postals to be added to the count.  At the current rate of gain, Hack will gain 411 votes on the remaining postals.  That's not enough to overturn Watson-Brown's lead but furthermore the rate of gain will slow.  The postals so far are not particularly bad for the Greens suggesting that what is happening to the Greens and teals with inner Melbourne postals may be specific to that area.  

On absents the above patterns project the Greens to get 34% to Labor's 28.9%, on provisionals 38% to Labor's 26.2%, on out of division prepolls 28.1% to 28.4%.  If the numbers of these votes did not change the Greens would gain by about 212 votes on these categories combined.  All up I think Watson-Brown is likely to finish up with a similar primary lead to her current lead, perhaps slightly reduced if the late postals dynamic does not do its normal thing, but I don't see Labor making large gains here if any.

On my numbers the threat to Watson-Brown is only if the preferencing behaviour of minor right parties at the 3CP stage dramatically reverses with more of their preferences now going to Labor than to the Greens, and even then Labor would probably also need the FUSION flow to Greens to weaken.  On past patterns I would expect the Greens to make a 10% gain rate on the combined minor party preferences (maybe more depending on FUSION, not that one wants to depend on FUSION for anything); Labor probably needs to turn this into something like a 6% gain rate to them.  

I am expecting the AEC to realign this booth with a 3CP count which when it occurs should give a much clearer idea whether Labor is competitive here.  

Wednesday 12 pm: The AEC is in the process of conducting a 3CP count which currently has Forrest 17070 (40.8%), Watson-Brown 12327 (29.47), Hack 12438 (29.73) .  On these numbers Watson-Brown would just lose.  However I have also seen a list of the booths included.  I am at this stage unable to match to an exact primary total for the booths because the count includes five tranches of postals that are not broken out in results, but at an estimate I have the primaries for these votes at 35.71-27.77-28.10 compares with the main count at 35.17-28.82-28.14 and suggests preferences from minors in this large sample are flowing approximately 60-20.5-19.5.  If this rate is applied to the live count Watson-Brown very slightly increases her primary vote lead at the 3CP point, by about 70 votes - which is lower than 2022 form for the Greens in these seats would suggest, but not low enough to lose.  In the live count, Watson-Brown now leads by 612.  

Wednesday 8:40  The AEC 3CP is now missing only three booths - Ferny Grove South, Toowong and The Gap PPVC.  I believe it doesn't yet have all the postals.  Watson-Brown leads in the 3CP by 1618.  The Gap PPVC is bad for Watson-Brown but Toowong partly makes up for it.  I can't see Labor closing this 3CP gap completely and I am now more confidently expecting Watson-Brown to win this seat.  The only one of the four Greens standing - what were the odds on that?

Thursday: The 3CP now virtually matches the total postal count at Forrest 36908 Watson-Brown 28241 Hack 27642.  So Watson-Brown leads by 599.  Also some absents came in today and did virtually nothing, confirming that Watson-Brown is home barring something extremely unusual.

Thursday week: Stopped updating this article but there was little change and the AEC eventually wound up the 3CP and reverted to the 2CP with Watson-Brown clearly winning the seat.

Monday, May 5, 2025

2025 House of Reps Postcounts: Labor/IND Realignment Seats (Bean, Fremantle, Franklin)

On this page

Bean - Expected ALP retain (very close)

Fremantle - Expected ALP retain

Franklin - Called by me as easy ALP win on election night but included because some people are being silly

Click here for link to Reps postcount hub and tallyboard page 

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This page covers seats where Labor is leading the primary count, the AEC initially counted votes as ALP vs Liberal, but an independent has either clearly or probably made the final two and the count is now being realigned by the AEC.  The main two seats of interest here, Bean and Fremantle, have common ingredients in that an independent seemed to be very competitive on the night and still looks close in the realignment, but past experience suggests the independents may struggle as the postcount continues.

Bean (ACT, ALP 13.0%)

Bean is the least strong of Labor's three ACT seats on a 2PP basis and for some reason a Climate 200 backed indie, Jessie Price, emerged to challenge David Smith, who is seen as a bit of a weak link by some on the left.  The news that Price might try to paint Tuggeranong teal was treated with much ridicule online but Price has actually done very well.  Just maybe not quite well enough.  Smith 41.31% leads Price 26.61, Lamberton (Lib) 23.11 and Carter (Green) 8.96.  

Only two useful counts have been realigned to Labor vs Price so far, these being Parkes PPVC and about 5000 postals.  It appears from this that Price is doing better on the Liberal preferences than the Green preferences; indeed Smith seems to be doing very badly on the latter.  In the Parkes count where 64% of the preferences are Liberal, Price is getting 65.1% of all preferences.  In the postals where 80.4% of the preferences are Liberal, she is getting 76.6%.  Over the electorate as a whole, 72.1% of the preferences are Liberal, so by interpolation 70.3% is my starting and extremely rough estimate of the overall preference flow to Price (the Liberals must have recommended preferences to her).  On that basis, I get Smith at 50.83% in the live count.  The ABC has Price in front but I suspect they are overweighting the postals on account of their larger number.   Anyway my estimate is sufficiently close that I definitely need to see more than two data points before being sure Smith is ahead in the live count at all, but with what has been seen in other similar counts where independents fall over I am not sure he needs to be.  

Tuesday 2:20 pm:  Many more booths are coming in.  My latest projection is a 70.7% preference flow to Price and Smith with 50.70 2CP in the live count.  

5:05: A bad preference flow result in the Tuggeranong prepoll has caused the ABC projection to flip to Smith, however the ABC projection is overweighting that prepoll because it is now most of the preferences available, but is unrepresentative.  However this plus other booths has knocked my projection down to 50.03 for Smith, which is very close!

Wednesday 2:10 With more booths in Smith is on 50.60 in the live count and 50.62 in my projection.  There is not too far to go for the realignment so soon we will know exactly where we stand!  I should note that what is going on here so far is Smith did spectacularly badly on preferences in the Tuggeranong prepoll (21.8%) but on average is getting over 30% elsewhere.  As this continues his preference flow should rise and the ABC projection should improve for him.  It is likely mine is a little too optimistic for Smith because it treats the Tuggeranong prepoll as a single data point, which is actually well below trend and a big chunk of votes.

Wednesday 5:45 At this point we may as well wait for the realignment to finish as there are not many votes left to realign.  The live count is at 50.24 to Smith. 

Wednesday 7:10 An interesting matter noted in comments is the Norfolk Island prepoll.  It only took 441 votes in 2022 but those votes were 14 points worse on 2PP for Labor than the seat average.  The day booth, which is in the primary count, was only four points worse in 2022, but is spectacularly bad for Labor this year so the prepoll could be really ugly!  

Thursday 12:00 Incredibly close in the live count! Now down to 94 votes!

Thursday 12:45 While I was on a briefing call to the AEC and asking about Norfolk Island the Norfolk Island day booth dropped ... putting Price into the lead!  I understand the prepoll will drop shortly.

Thursday 2:00 And yep here it is. the Norfolk Island prepoll boosts Price by another 174 votes and she now leads by 194.  The realignment is complete now I think; Smith has to get that back on absents as the postals don't do anything.

Friday 2:00 Bean could be going to the wire!  The first batch of absents is in and they were bad for Price on the primary vote (-5.36 vs ordinaries) but they were also bad for Smith (-4.22).  And they were bad for the Liberals (-1.99) so of course they were hugely good for the Greens (+11.57).  Price is doing badly on preferences from this absents batch getting only 60.5% of them compared to 72.2% on ordinaries and 74.1% on postals.  This presumably comes from the preference pool being much more Green and less Liberal than usual.  As more absents come in this might moderate, but I'm not sure it will - absents in 2022 were +9.16 for the Greens compared to ordinaries but that was without an indie competing better for booth votes than absents.  If this split is representative - and it may well not be as I have no idea where these votes are from - the remaining 1423 absents could knock about 87 votes off Price's current lead of 165.  But will the pattern spread to the 3546 dec prepolls?  In general, urban teals in 2022 all did badly on the dec prepoll primary vote, with Labor and the Greens doing well.  This could repeat and save Smith - he may also do well on provisionals which skew left.  

Friday 6:15 Another lot of absents but they were even worse for Price on primary votes and 2CP than the first lot and Smith now trails by only 54 (which he might even erase on remaining absents).  This makes his position much easier as if even a whiff of this flows through to out of division prepolls he will win.

Saturday 12:45 And Smith gains 50 on the first few hundred out of division prepolls.  He's still 4 behind but I don't see how Price can hold on. 

Sat 3:00 Smith 124 ahead now, outside the automatic recount margin.  

Sat 9:00 Smith 183 ahead now and I'm now very confident he will retain the seat.    

Fremantle (WA, ALP 16.9%)

After narrowly losing the state seat of Fremantle, Climate 200 backed indie Kate Hulett has run for the federal seat.  According to her podcast she survived a hair-raising Section 44 scare by renouncing a dual UK citizenship in great haste after firing off emails to everyone she could think of remotely connected with the UK until an account unknown to her wrote back and said 'hey, try this guy'. She did and it worked. The Liberals recommended preferences against her in the state election over her support for the environmental activist group Disrupt Burrup Hub, but she still got just over half their preferences on their exclusion and nearly won anyway.  This time her tilt at the harder federal seat has been helped out by the Liberals deciding to recommend preferences to her.  

Currently Josh Wilson (ALP) has 39.41%, Hulett 23.26%, Tait Marston (Lib) 18.59%, the Greens 10.98%, One Nation 5.90% (high for Freo and the Socialist Alliance and Citizens Party are locked in a valiant battle for last on 0.94 and 0.91 respectively.  Even if Hulett drops back in late counting, Greens preferences will ensure the Liberals cannot overtake her.  In the present live count, Hulett needs 71.6% of preferences to win.  

As with Bean our realigned preferences are at this stage limited to a prepoll (Fremantle PPVC) and as with Bean, Hulett is getting a better preference share in the two of these where the Liberal Party share of votes to be thrown is higher.  She has 71.9% of preferences in the prepoll where the Liberal share of all votes to be thrown is 52.6% and 76.6% in the postals where the Liberal share of all preferences is 59.8%.  I should caution though that for the postals I don't have the primaries for the votes specifically realigned to 2CP, only the overall postal primaries to date, which may be slightly different.  In the count overall the Liberal share of votes to be thrown (49.8%) is actually lower than in both these parcels.  So while Hulett is currently projecting to lead based off the flows in these parcels, I would caution that when we get to the day votes with more Green voters who don't follow how to vote cards, the rate could drop below the target rate - in the state election the split off the Green distribution excluding the few votes that went to the Liberals was 62.2% to Hulett.   I also suspect that Hulett needs more than a tiny lead after what happened when she hit absents in the state election.  So in Wilson's position I would not be panicking yet.  

Tuesday 2:45: As we have some, limited, booth data coming in I have run new projections, one based off Hulett's share of the vote and one based off the Liberal share of all preferences.  At the moment neither corellates strongly with her preference share but this may change once larger booths go in.  She gets 68.4% and 67.5% respectively in these models, which would put her on 48.8 and 48.4 two-candidate preferred meaning Wilson would win.  However need to see some larger and more representative on the day booths to firm up this model. 

Tuesday 10:00: Hulett's position has weakened in my model further, I now have her on 48.2 and 48.0 in the two versions.  The ABC is still giving her 72% of preferences but this is a flow she got in one prepoll and hasn't been matching in booths since.  She is an independent who is being assisted by Liberal preferences and both independents and Liberals tend to do badly on absent votes so I expect her position to weaken further and I now firmly expect Josh Wilson to retain. 

Franklin (Tas, ALP 13.7%) - ALP easy win, called on election night

This is the seat, very safe on a two-party basis, where former ABC journalist Peter George has run a major and apparently very well funded, Climate 200 backed campaign that was initially mostly about opposition to industrial salmon farming but later spread to other issues.  George's path through the mess into second place became much easier when yours truly discovered in five minutes' perusal that the Greens candidate had an obvious Section 44 issue.  By normal standards George has polled well, but he's failed to expand beyond the natural base of his campaign into sending a message about Franklin being neglected as a safe seat.  I suspect that is because the voters of Franklin, like the rest of Tasmania, were far more concerned with sending a stronger message about Peter Dutton and his campaign.  

The George campaign has been making claims about the seat being forced to a close preference race but this is utter utter utter utter nonsense.  At the moment Collins on 39.25% primary leads George on 22.10% primary, so George needs 72.2% of preferences, which he probably would have struggled to get even had the Liberals recommended preferences to him on their how to vote card.  The asking rate could also well go up after absents and more postals, both of which indies frequently do badly on.

Around 4000 postals are the only votes so far re-aligned as Collins (ALP incumbent) vs George and in these Collins got 53% of preferences.  Because candidates tend to get better preference flows in areas where they poll better, and because George is running 5% below his overall vote in postals, I would expect George to do better on preferences overall than in these postals.  He might get, say, 50-50 or a little better.  But it doesn't matter; it's exceedingly unlikely he gets 60 and he definitely won't get near 72.  I don't know what the ABC's projection of 56.9% to Collins is based on; I'd expect it to be somewhat more than that and I don't know why the ABC hasn't called the seat or what point there is in trying to hype something that simply is not happening.  

Tuesday 12:15: The ABC website has been projecting Franklin as very close (50.1) because they blundered by projecting the count off a couple of Bruny Island booths where the flow to George is obviously going to be very strong, ignoring the already used postal flows and the relationship between candidate vote strength and preference flow.  Their projection is garbage.  

After a slight tweak their projection is 50.6 to ALP.  My current projection off the four booths counted based on the relationship between the George primary and the preference flow is 60.7.

Tuesday 3:15 A few more booths in and my projection has come down slightly to 59.9, the ABC's is still only at 51.0 with statements about the preference flows that are just blatantly incorrect.

Tuesday 5:35 ABC projection 52.2, me 60.3

Tuesday 7:20 ABC 57.2, me 60.1

Wed 1:40 ABC 57.7, me 59.5

Thursday Amusingly if somewhat embarrassingly mine actually had an error in it too (but not such a consequential one) and has now converged on the current figure (57.5), and also should have done so yesterday (if not earlier).  


2025 Tasmania Senate Postcount

2025 TASMANIA SENATE

CALLED ELECTED Carol Brown (ALP #1), Richard Dowling (ALP #2), Claire Chandler (LIB #1), Nick McKim (Green #1)

CONTEST Richard Colbeck (Liberal #2, incumbent) vs Bailey Falls (ALP #3) vs Jacqui Lambie (JLN #1) for two seats.

Lee Hanson (One Nation) has polled well but does not appear to be in contention.

Projection of current live count after preferences has Lambie ahead of Colbeck ahead of Falls - however margins in projection are fairly close and this assumes preferences flow the same way as in 2022 (they may not!)

One Nation preference flow is likely to be crucial to result

WARNING: Projecting the Tasmanian Senate count is very complex.  This article is rated Wonk Factor 4/5

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It's a great pleasure to have to write an article on an actual inter-party contest for the Tasmanian Senate race!  This year isn't quite as messy as 2016, when the complexities of high below the line votes for Lisa Singh and Richard Colbeck in a double dissolution caused me to do 15 hours of scrutineering and write 8440 words across two main articles about modelling the outcome.  But nonetheless it's interesting, for shock value if nothing else.

The Liberal Party has had a disastrous result in the Tasmanian House of Reps contest, losing Braddon with a 15% 2PP swing (the "safest" seat ever won by a first-term government from an opposition), Bass with a near 10% swing and also copping a swing just over 10% in Lyons.  Why this happened is outside the scope of this article and the detectives are already out there sifting the remains.  The damage has flowed through to the Senate where the party's live result is now around 12% below its final 2022 result in both Bass and Braddon, nearly 8% below in Clark and 9% below in Franklin and Lyons.  The scale of the wipeout is such that, completely unexpectedly to me, Liberal Senator Richard Colbeck is in danger of losing his seat again.  Jacqui Lambie is also in some danger, and the danger to them both is Labor.  It may take a long time to be all that confident who has missed out in this three way contest and I may not know with confidence until the mythical Button is pressed in about four weeks time.

As I start this article the count is at 59.82% of enrolment; this figure will eventually reach about 90%. Labor has 2.4752 quotas (a quota is c. 14.29%) in the live count, Liberals 1.5558, Greens 1.2196,  Jacqui Lambie Network .4759, One Nation .3667, Legalise Cannabis .2589, Trumpet of Patriots .2272, Shooters Fishers and Farmers .1633, Animal Justice 0.0938, Sustainable Australia 0.0848, Libertarians 0.0343, Aus Citizens 0.0258 and Fenella Edwards 0.0190.  

Lee Hanson (One Nation) has come reasonably close to catching Jacqui Lambie but with a deficit of over 1.3% I am confident that she will not overtake Lambie.  On current primaries we will see exclusions from the bottom up (significantly including the Greens' excess, which is going to favour Labor) until Hanson is excluded in eighth place.  On the distribution of her preferences, the music stops and whoever is seventh at this point loses.  (It is possible that one of the three could cross quota and create an extra throw to settle the final two here, but it won't be a big one if that happens.)

The Liberals start in the lead but in 2022 the parties that are being excluded were unhelpful to them.  As mentioned the Greens preferences overwhelmingly favour Labor, One Nation, United Australia and Shooters, Fishers + Farmers preferences in 2022 helped Lambie and the only party the Liberals actually did well off was the Liberal Democrats, who under their new name of Libertarians have lost three-quarters of their vote.  

I have built a model of the preference distribution based off the 2022 preference flows and in that model on the current live count if the button were pressed with no more votes added, Lambie ends up winning with .983 quotas with Falls winning on .920 and Colbeck out on 0.838.  That's a projected margin between the majors for the final spot of 1.17%.

However there are a few reasons this might not hold up.  The first is that the current count is unrepresentative.  It is slightly heavy in votes from Franklin and Lyons, which have over 52000 votes each counted, compared to Bass and Braddon that are still below 44000.  Bass and Braddon are slightly stronger for the Liberals (if you can call what they have polled there strong) and when corrected that improves the Liberals' position by about 0.3%.  

The second is that the ordinary votes counted generally include the day booth votes but are light on prepolls, which in the past have been relatively strong for the Liberals compared to day votes.  So the Liberals' position may improve slightly on that as well.  The remaining changes to the count will include absents, out of division prepolls, remaining postals and provisionals.  

The other hope for the Liberals is preference shifting - primarily, that voters for One Nation this election will be far more sympathetic to them and less so for Lambie.  The Coalition did try to cozy up to One Nation more this election, and One Nation's Lee Hanson teed off at Lambie a few times during the campaign.  However a very large shift (c. 20%) in the One Nation preference flows is needed to affect the result by itself.  One Nation did include the Liberals on their how to vote card this year (in 2022 neither Liberals nor Lambie were included) but in 2022 only 3.7% of above the line voters for One Nation in the state copied their how to vote card, so the difference made by this is probably not much more than 0.1%.  

My model is in some respects simplistic still.  Preferences for JLN are assumed to be the same as 2022 although Lambie herself was not a candidate then - on the other hand the JLN campaign that year was bigger.  Also I am not yet accounting for a division between Nick McKim's votes and votes for other Greens (the latter flow on at full value while the former are largely used to elect McKim).  

Overall at the moment Colbeck's position looks the most difficult of the three, even if it is likely to be closer than my live count projection.

This article will be updated frequently through the next few weeks.  

Wednesday 8:15 am:  The count is now at 72% of enrolment.  The current count is about 95% ordinary 5% postals.  The electorate composition has changed in that it is now very heavy on Braddon and Franklin and light on Bass and Lyons, which roughly cancels out.  However the postals count is heavy on Clark and Franklin and light on the other three, which suggests that the postals count specifically is underselling the Liberals.

The latest raw quota totals are Labor 2.4858 Liberal 1.6149 Green 1.1839 JLN 0.4983 One Nation 0.3585 LCP 0.2365 TOP 0.2212 AJP 0.0916 SAP 0.0822 SFF 0.1528 LTN 0.0321 Citizens 0.0243 Edwards 0.018

In my model after preferences the live count has improved significantly for Colbeck.  Lambie wins with 0.977 quotas, Falls wins with 0.893 quotas and Colbeck misses out with 0.883.  It is easily within the error margin of my assumptions about preferences that Colbeck could be surving at Labor's expense on the live count, or less easily so that Lambie could be losing instead.  In any case, because the current count is overly heavy on ordinaries and the postal count is weighted towards Clark and Franklin, I would currently expect Colbeck to improve and displace Labor from my model.  A part of this is that for the time being the Greens vote has dropped back slightly.  So at this stage Colbeck looks a fair bit more competitive than my first look at the race but there is still a very very long way to go.  

Thursday/Friday overnight: The count is now at 81.94%.  The leaders are now ALP 2.488 Lib 1.653 Green 1.144 JLN 0.506 One Nation 0.357 LCP 0.232 TOP 0.223.  In my model (now with Citizens Party preferences added from the 2016 election! Joy!) Lambie now wins with 0.980, Colbeck wins with 0.921 and Falls misses out with 0.871.  But that's close enough that it could be unsettled if there were across the board preference shifts against the Liberals and to Labor.  The postal count remains skewed towards Clark and Franklin so there is potential for Colbeck to improve further.  

By vote type the count is now 92.1% ordinaries, 7.6% postals, 0.3% absents.  By electorate the count is relatively light on Lyons and high on Braddon but the distortions are now minor.  

Something I should have mentioned earlier is the irrelevance of minor party how to vote cards.  Tasmanian voters especially just don't follow them.  The One Nation card last time was followed by 3.7% of One Nation voters.  Not much times not much is nearly nothing.

Saturday: Count now at 84.06% and the changes since the last update are too trivial to justify running my model again but for what it's worth there is a small further move towards the Liberals.

Wednesday:  I've only been updating this every few days as the numbers are changing very little as the last votes trickle in to the primary count while votes are being scanned and verified for the final count. The count is at 87.19% and the leaders are ALP 2.487 Lib 1.656 Green 1.130 JLN 0.503 One Nation 0.360 LCP 0.233 TOP 0.228.  My model's output now is Lambie 0.976 Colbeck 0.927 Falls 0.870 - but bear in mind that the preference flow to either the Liberals or Lambie (or both) could weaken in line with their performance, and the flow to Labor could strengthen - a projected gap of 0.82% for sixth place is not very large in the context of what we saw in the Tasmanian Reps seats.  


2025 House of Reps Postcount: Monash

MONASH (Vic, Lib 2.9%, occupied by deselected ex-Lib IND)

Issue was whether Deb Leonard (IND) could make final two and whether she could win if so.  Leonard will not make final two.  Liberal retain.

Click here for link to Reps postcount hub and tallyboard page.  

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I like to do posts about postcount seats that are not necessarily the most competitve but the weirdest, and in this respect Monash well deserves a thread of its own, though Calwell is giving it a run for its money.  

In Monash the Liberals disendorsed 25-year veteran Russell Broadbent, who immediately moved to the crossbench and eventually ran as an independent.  Broadbent had attracted attention particularly as a prominent member of the anti-COVID-vaccines/mandates movement but another factor was simply the desire for renewal.  The campaign saw some tension over One Nation how to vote cards - I haven't got to the bottom of the story but have heard claims that the Liberals printed a card on One Nation's behalf that turned out not to reflect One Nation's preferencing decisions (because they continued to recommend preferences to Broadbent in this seat).  

Sunday, May 4, 2025

2025 House Of Reps Postcount: Coalition vs Teals (Goldstein, Bradfield, Kooyong etc)

On this page:

Bradfield (Liberal ahead, extremely close, recount very likely)

Goldstein (Liberal gain from IND)

Kooyong (IND retain)

Click here for link to Reps postcount hub and tallyboard page.  

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This is another grouped seat thread to cover those seats where there is a competitive straight 2CP contest (realignment not required) between the Coalition and any teal (or teal-adjacent if I add more) independent.  There are currently three of these I am watching: Bradfield, Goldstein and Kooyong.  On election night it appeared Monique Ryan had retained Kooyong, Zoe Daniel was ahead and likely winning in Goldstein and Nicolette Boele was projecting ahead in Bradfield, but the early postal counts have had some savage commentary on that.  Updates will follow as the count unfolds over coming days.  It's also worth noting that while I refer below to teals doing well on absents compared to other indies, this tends to be by default because the Labor and Green primaries are high (the teal primary tends to be low).  This may mean that performances on absents are less strong this time around (see comments).

Bradfield (Lib vs IND 2.5%)

Sunday: In Bradfield the live count is at 81.2%.  Nicolette Boele (IND) leads Gisele Kapterian (Lib) by 905 votes, but I project this to drop to about 796 when a missing 2CP for the booth St Ives North is added.  The first 8000 postals cost Boele 1385 off her lead.  There may be about another 7000 to come, but it's highly likely that the remainder will be significantly less hostile, because of the early postals/late postals dynamic.  Could they still be hostile enough to wipe out the expected lead?  They could, but that's no guarantee.  (The postals counted so far are 10 points worse for Boele than day votes; last time this gap finished up at 6).  In 2022 Boele did well on absents (independents often don't) but not so well on declaration prepolls; possibly these two categories will disadvantage her slightly combined.  At the moment this seat seems to be tracking to a very close finish.  Would I rather have this lead in the hand than be chasing?  Yeah I probably would ... but only just.  My standard booth health check did not catch any errors in this seat.

Monday: The live count is at 83.6%.  The St Ives North booth knocked 89 off Boele's lead and another c. 2500 postals took another 400, though there was some slowing in the damage rate.  (Postal split is now 6167-4384).  Boele leads by 416, it's hard not to see Kapterian taking some sort of lead on the remaining postals, the question being if it's enough.  Possibly I would now take Kapterian's position. 

Tuesday: And I would definitely now take Kapterian's position - unknown to me the St Ives PPVC booth had only partially reported, on fully reporting it has improved Kapterian's position by 440 votes which looks a lot like game over to me.  

Wednesday 8:40:  More postals broke 539-414 so that's a further slowing of the rate to 56.5% but Kapterian is now ahead by 178.  

Thursday 10:00:  Now the late postals are really starting to do their thing with the batch in yesterday breaking only 495-468 to Kapterian, who leads by 215.   There are 889 awaiting processing plus however many still arrive which might be a few hundred, but by this stage postals are no longer reliably doing much for Kapterian and might indeed stop breaking to her at all.  Because postals have started breaking so weakly I have put this one back to likely Liberal win.  There is some potential for absents to behave oddly because of the redistribution - for instance it could be that Boele does well in absents in booths that were in Bradfield last time but no longer are.  There are also still several booths (some large) awaiting rechecking.  

Thursday 12:20: Absents will be added today.

Thursday 3:30 Absents haven't been added yet but the lead has come down to 194 presumably on rechecking.

Friday 6:00 I seem to have somehow overwritten yesterday's update in which Kapterian gained 50 votes on the first batch of absents, mainly because of a very low primary for Boele but also because of a weak preference flow to Boele in them.  Kapterian has also gained 6 on out of division prepolls and now leads by 250.  These have a similar issue - low primary vote and weak preference flow.  Every booth of any serious size has been rechecked so it's not clear where Boele can still gain from (well, late postals may help a bit but there won't be enough of those!)  It again looks very likely that Kapterian will win the seat.  

Friday 7:45 Boele did make a gain of 41 off the remaining postals on hand and now trails by 209.  There won't be many postals next week so she needs a big turnaround in one of the other categories. 

Saturday 1:15 Boele gained seven on rechecks so far today and now trails by 202.  Six booths are still to be rechecked.

2:40 More absents have been added boosting Kapterian's lead by 12 but this appears to have been more than cancelled out by rechecks as the gap is now 193.  Three booths awaiting rechecking - one is the already noted St Ives PPVC which is relatively large and might be Boele's last chance.

Sunday: Kapterian now leads by 211 (not sure what the gain was on here).  There may still be about 2700 votes to come, Boele would need some miraculous batches of absents or prepolls.  

Monday 4:50: Various networks have called this for Kapterian today; I have not absolutely called it but I think Boele's chance is very low.  Today she got a 53.9% split off a batch of absents but she would need to roughly keep doing that over all the remaining votes to win - the gap is now 180.  The automatic recount margin of 100 is worth keeping an eye on here though the chance of any seat on a margin of 75+ falling over on a recount is low.  

Monday 5:17: Boele gains 1 on out of electorate prepolls which is not enough as it takes another c. 300 votes out of the count, she will now probably need over 54-46 on the rest.  

Tuesday: And this is why I did not call it ... Boele has had a spectacular batch of out of electorate prepolls (62.4% 2CP) and now trails by only 59. There's still over 1000 of those to go ... Bradfield could be headed for a recount!  (I estimate remaining formal votes at 1040 out of div prepolls, 330 absents, 280 postals arrived plus a few hundred still to be received.  Anything can happen here.)

Wednesday: Most of the remaining votes counted and Kapterian's lead is up to 80 with several hundred to go. A much more comfortable position than yesterday and might even yet avoid a recount. On the other hand if it comes back a few dozen a recount could still flip it.

Thursday 11:15:  Not a good sign for Kapterian's hopes of avoiding a recount as her lead drops to 70 with 533 to go (closer to 500 after informals) plus any postals that arrive tomorrow.  

Thursday 3:00:  Margin now down to 43 with about 400 to go plus any further postals (I may have missed 105 outstanding prepolls earlier).  Recount now very likely.

Thursday 4:25: SMH has reported no action today.  Also suggests that the distribution of preferences will go ahead ahead of a full recount (if needed).  

Goldstein (IND vs Lib 3.9%)

Sunday: Amid the trainwreck of the Coalition's results a bright spot on Sunday has been Tim Wilson surging towards recovering his seat from Zoe Daniel.  Goldstein in 2022 had a large postal count that flowed strongly to Wilson producing a postcount shift of 1.63% 2CP from the ordinary count (including within division prepolls) to the final results.  This year Daniel has 51.73 in the ordinary count, which makes it surprising that the ABC was projecting it to her at all last night; maybe some prepolls had not reported at the time.  Daniel's position is clearly fragile on that basis alone but Goldstein is another Victorian seat with an increased postal count; I would expect around 21 K opposed to 17 K in 2022.  While the 2022 postals were bad enough for Daniel (9.5% worse on 2CP than the ordinary votes) the first half or so of the 2025 postals have been a brutal 16.7% worse.  That will tail off as is the usual pattern with postals but with Daniel only 95 votes ahead it is hard to see the next few thousand postals not putting Wilson well into the lead to stay there.  

My standard booth health check detected a possible error in one booth - Malvern Goldstein PPVC - where the preference flow to Daniel appears oddly weak at 44% to Daniel; every other booth is at least mid-60s.  If this is an error it would only improve her position by 100 or so votes, however it's not the usual transposition error if so; it could be 50 votes in the wrong pile for instance.

Tuesday: I may have accidentally overwritten a comment yesterday when the lead narrowed to 50 or so votes but anyway Wilson is now 387 ahead.  There are still many thousand postals to come and while the damage might slow (the gap has come down to 16.3%) I am not at this stage seeing any reason to doubt that Tim Wilson will recover his seat.  

Saturday: Ben Raue spotted an apparent error in flow in the Hampton polling place and on checking it it appears to me that the 2PP numbers have been reversed in data entry on the second entry - if correct this is a very rare error at AEC level.  Assuming it is an error and is fixed it cuts the margin by 170, but the current margin is 1257, there is still no reason to think the seat could be saved (especially as it is the only one.)

Monday night: Closing in the Goldstein count today to a 963 vote margin from over 1300 has attracted comments on social media but a large chunk of the closing was simply the Hampton error noted above being fixed.  Daniel did gain by 1024-892 on absents, a 53.44% split.  That's because absents tend to be bad for Liberals and good for ALP and Greens, which offsets them being also bad on primary votes for Daniel.  Absents being 1.58 points better for Daniel than ordinaries is in fact weaker than 2022 when they were 2.68 points better for Daniel, so all this has been taken into account.  The absents are about half done and most of the rest is out of division prepolls, which are typically also bad for independents on primaries but less bad for Liberals; on 2022 patterns the out of division prepolls will be slightly better for Wilson than ordinaries (this is what's happening in Kooyong) and will do close to nothing, But even if they were as good for Daniel as absents, there shouldn't be more than about 7000 votes left and Daniel needs those to split twice as strongly as absents.  So no, nothing to see here at all.

Tuesday: Daniel has in fact done remarkably well on the first 2000 absents, the primary vote for Wilson in these is low and the break is 54-46. However she now still trails by 798 with what I expect to be just under 5000 to come, and needs a 58-42 split so even that won't do it. Some more social media nonsense about this today, premised on people not realising that not everybody votes.

Tuesday 4:30: And now Daniel almost does get the asking rate on the next 1000 absents, with a 57.2-42.8 split, so the margin comes down to 660.  On the rate of absents and out of division prepolls so far Daniel is projected to gain a further 242.  Provisionals did nothing much in 2022 (which seems unusual as normally they skew left), but there are fewer than 200 of them anyway.  Remaining postals won't help Wilson, may even help Daniel a bit.  I estimate 991 absents and 1773 out of division prepolls to go.  

Wednesday: Again, remarkably, Daniel almost gets the required rate on out of division prepolls (I don't have the exact split but looks like 57-43 off 900 or so.) Would now need close to 60-40 off remaining votes, a higher share of which are postals.  

Wednesday 3:30: About 500 postals were counted and this being the end of the postal count it is, they split to Daniel but only very weakly (she gained another 20 and now trails by 508).  There are now 1035 absents awaiting counting (expect 991 formal), 195 provisionals (expect 186 formal), potentially 875 prepolls (expect 823 formal if all the outstanding few hundred exist), and 78 postals plus however many more trickle back (say maybe 200).  So say about 2278 to go and Daniel needing 61%.

Wednesday 5:40 The constant (and pretty amazing really) narrowing in this count is producing much interest - Daniel had another very strong batch of absents but I still estimate the asking rate at just over 61% (and this is after a revision to how I calculate rejection rates that has slightly increased my estimate of what is left).  Just over 58% to take it to a recount.  

Thursday 10:25 Provisionals (excepting 21 held back) have been counted and of course after doing nothing in 2022 they also broke heavily to Daniel (68-35), again just below the required rate, and the gap is 368.  However only another 20 postals were added to votes awaiting processing, making me suspect the number still to return is probably below 100, in which case Daniel would need at least 62.6% to tie or 58.7% for a recount.  There has been some amusement with leaked internal messaging circulating online of Wilson scrambling for scrutineers to make sure he wins the victory he already claimed (yes the same one where Daniel says we should respect voters by waiting for the seat to be clear after not doing that on election night).  

Thursday 11:20 Down and down and down - like a T20 cricket game where the chasing team needs 14 an over to win and gets 12, then needs 18 to win and gets 16, then needs 24 to win and gets 22 and ends up needing nine off the final ball ... I don't have the exact break but Daniel has closed by another 66 votes to 302 off about 280 absents, which again is at almost the required rate, but absents are her best major category so far.  Another three postals have made it into the count; there are now 951 votes awaiting counting but a few percent will be informal, plus whatever postals return tomorrow.  

Thursday 1:25 The margin is out to 305 and the number of absents awaiting processing has gone down by 18 (not sure what all that's about), also the number of out of division prepolls awaiting possible return has been increased by 12.  (Edit: another 8 prepolls now disallowed.) It seems I overwrote an earlier revised estimate of the getting rate but it is irrelevant now as more votes have been counted.

Thursday 3:07 A weak break to Daniel on a few hundred out of division prepolls gaining only a further 12 votes while the number of remaining such votes has gone down by 422 despite some more being added to envelopes issued.  Daniel now needs probably 68% of what is to come (around 62% for recount) which won't happen.  

Friday 12:30 There was a small adjustment possibly on formality rulings with the margin coming down to 289 then a throw of out of 250 out of electorate prepolls with Daniel gaining a further 31 (about a 56-44 split) - again very good but not what is needed.  The current margin is 258 with potentially 570 votes outstanding (not all of which will be formal) plus today's postals.  Even if there are 650 to go (I'm allowing 100 postals today which is probably generous) then Daniel needs 70% to tie or 62% for an automatic recount.  If Daniel misses the automatic recount margin narrowly that would improve her chances of a discretional recount but unless she can show systematic errors in the count that wouldn't overturn a margin of over 100.  Given the quality of Daniel's scrutineering (at least according to Wilson!) I suspect there is not much left to claim.    I wish to stress here that the leaked group chat messages from Wilson are NOT a valid reason for a recount - he was simply seeking scrutineers to do their jobs and the AEC decides what is a formal vote with scrutineers from all sides able to have input into the decision.

1:40:  254 now, another 4 off with little change in votes remaining.  

Kooyong (IND vs Lib 3.5%)

Sunday: This is a similar story to Goldstein except that Monique Ryan starts in a better position.  Kooyong in 2022 also had a 1.63% postcount shift but Ryan has an ordinary vote 2CP of 52.30%.  In 2022 over 19000 postals were 8.3% worse than the ordinary votes.  In 2025 the Kooyong postal count might reach about 21K with 13K still to come; the first 8K were 14.8% worse.  It remains to be seen how strongly for Amelia Hamer the remaining postals will be once the late postal left shift kicks in but if they were, say, 8% worse then that would still leave Ryan with a lead of a few hundred from her current 1900.  Even 10% worse would be survivable, but continuing at the current rate would not. Ryan should also make modest gains on prepolls and absents combined.  At present I think that she is still pretty well placed to hang on.  My standard booth health check did not catch any errors in this seat.

Monday: A second lot of postals has been added breaking 1230-747 to Hamer, which is almost exactly the same break as the first lot (4934-2959).  Ryan's lead is now 1408; if the remaining postals are now 10% worse than the booth votes then that would make her position very dicey (needing to gain a few hundred off absents, out-of-electorate prepolls and provisionals, and the lack of a letup as yet increases the chance that they will be that or worse.  So I am considerably less confident re Ryan holding on compared to yesterday, but we will see how further lots of postals go.  

Monday 8:40: A third lot of postals has gone in breaking "only" 1194-778 (60.5% to Hamer); I think it would be optimistic to say that's the start of the slowing as it's within margin of error of the previous two. These were a mere 12.8% worse than the booth votes.  Ryan's lead is down to 995 with possibly 9000-9500 postals to go.  (Note that not all postals issued are ever returned) 

There's been interest in what is going on with these postals.  Some possible factors include Orthodox Jewish votes (significant in both Kooyong and Goldstein), better Liberal targeting and also a reversion of postals to a more conservative voter set after 2022, when some postal voters were more left-leaning than usual because of COVID.  

Wednesday 4:50: More postals have gone in in two batches since my last update, and I believe the rate slowed in the latest batch, but the postals in total are still 13.4 points above the previous batch (current postal tally 9633-6136).  The proportion of postals that has come in is high with 83.7% of those issued already back, so there is going to be an unusually high postal return rate to compound Ryan's problems.  There could easily be 6000 formal postals left and even if the rate on the remainder is only 54 or 55% to Hamer that will put Hamer into some sort of lead and Ryan will have to overturn it on absents and prepolls (which is not guaranteed).  However if the postals are weakening faster than that (I believe today's final batch was only 55) then Hamer might not even get enough to lead.   Ryan's current lead is 366.

Wednesday 6:40: Major development - a rechecking correction in the giant Kew PPVC booth has increased Ryan's lead by a priceless 210 votes (she now leads by 590 after other minor changes).  The booth is so large that my booth health check can't catch an error that proportionally small, but given how close the count is it makes a big difference.  That makes it very difficult for Hamer as it will be challenging to erase Ryan's lead on the remaining postals.  

Wednesday 7:40: Again! Hamer has dropped 100 votes on rechecking in the Ashburton PPVC.  

Thursday 4:45:  Another lot of postals today broke 1030-932 (52.5 to Hamer).  Barring a large correction in remaining rechecking (and there are some sizeable prepolls still unchecked) Ryan looks safe now.  

Thursday 8:30 And even safer after a second lot broke 1034-928 to Ryan.  I've talked a lot through this count about how early postals can be very right wing but by the end of the count they can slacken off so much that they are even sometimes trending left, and here's a case in point.  

Friday 9 pm In what seems to be the usual teal dynamic, Ryan's doing very badly on absent primaries but being pulled back up on absent preferences by Labor and the Greens, who do well.  She lost 2000 absents today 984-942 but that gets rid of 2000 absents so that's fine.

2025 House of Reps Postcount: Melbourne

MELBOURNE (Green 6.9% vs ALP)

Adam Bandt (Green) vs Sarah Witty (ALP)

Labor win after 2CP realignment

WARNING: Explaining what is going on with the Melbourne count is complex.  This page is rated Wonk Factor 4/5

Click here for link to Reps postcount hub and tallyboard page.  

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I am doing postcount threads in a capricious order as something provokes me to jump to a different seat next and en route to the fine mess that is Monash, the ambulance has been rerouted to Melbourne.  This follows the ABC projecting the seat as 52-48 to Labor after projecting it as 51.5 to the Greens last night.

Why are we even here?  For some reason the AEC preset the Melbourne count 2CP as Greens vs Liberal, a baffling decision when Labor beat the Liberals at the 3CP point by 8.6% in 2022 and when a Greens vs Liberal 2CP is about as informative concerning who will actually win the seat (even post-redistribution) as the 2CP between One Nation and Tim Smith.   This is the single worst 2CP preset decision by the AEC that I have ever seen - generally I am a great fan of all the work done by the AEC but this one's an exception; this has let election watchers down and needs to not happen again.  

As a result we had no useful election night preference estimate between the Greens and Labor in the Greens Leader's seat. We now do have a preference count for 3926 postals and 150 hospital votes, which shows a massive Labor lead, but the postals are unrepresentative.


The current primary figures with just 62.1% counted are:

Bandt (Green) 41.39
Witty (ALP) 31.35
Hunt (Lib) 18.35
Koutoufides (IND) 3.14
Casey (ON) 2.22
Huang (Fusion) 1.93
Smith (Ind) 1.63

Melbourne was redistributed, which made it less favourable for the Greens and made adjacent Wills more so.  There is a small primary vote swing away from Bandt (currently running at just over 3%) and a large swing (running at nearly 6%) to Labor.  There is also a less supportive mix of minor candidates for Bandt, and all that adds up to trouble.

In the postal sample, Bandt has 26.08%, Liberals 29.87%, Labor 33.21%.  The 2CP is 64.34 to Labor, meaning Labor is getting 76.5% of preferences in a sample that is slightly more Liberal (73.3% of non-2CP) than the count as a whole (67.3%).  If Labor gets that flow rate across the count as a whole, that's a 52.2% 2CP to Labor for the current count as a whole.

The ABC notes that these postals are a highly Liberal sample, but what's more notable to me is that they're a bad sample for the Greens.  In general a party does better on preferences in booths (or postcount samples) where its primary vote is higher.  This pattern can be seen in the 2022 results for Melbourne using the standard graph I use for checking for booth preferencing errors:



In the case of the counted postal samples, Bandt is polling 15.3 points below his average for the seat of Melbourne as a whole.  In 2022, in a seat where Bandt was polling 15.3 points below his average primary vote, he would according to the relationship above received a preference flow that was 8.6 points below the preference flow he actually received.  If that applied to the 2025 case, Labor would receive 67.9% of preferences across the votes counted so far, which would mean that on the current primaries Bandt would be ahead, albeit by a minuscule 50.15-49.85.  So before we take any notice of the ABC's projection, we need to see more votes from across the whole seat to see what the flow is like outside of an unrepresentative subsample of unrepresentative postals.  (Early postals are usually more conservative than later ones - in 2022 Bandt's primary in all postals was 5.2 points below his vote across the electorate, and his preference share was 2.0 points below).  I will post some projections as we get more booths realigned.  Perhaps the relationship will be less steep than last time for some reason (possibly the lack of AJP and Vic Soc candidates as preference sources) and Bandt will still come out in trouble, perhaps not.  

The other thing to note here is that the Melbourne primary count is very incomplete.  It is currently at 62.1%.  There are probably still 12,000 or so postals to come and in 2022 there were over 6000 absents and over 7500 out of division prepolls.  That said the absents and out of division prepolls had little difference from the ordinaries in 2022 and a likely shift to more of the latter could be a problem for Bandt.  The early postals being very very bad for Bandt may also not be a good sign concerning what's to come.  

Updates will follow and the outlook will be updated over coming days.  

Monday 9 pm: The postal count has been updated and it has come down slightly to 64.18% 2CP (now 3777-2101) but it is not coming down as fast as Bandt would like given that nearly another 2000 went in.

Tuesday 1:30 pm: Booths are being realigned making a live count estimate for this seat more useful.  I now project Bandt to be at 50.57% in the live count.  

Tuesday 3:21 pm: Things looking much worse for Bandt now; he has had some bad preference flow booths including an 83% flow to Witty in the Burnley booth.  I now project him at a mere 49.1 which would get worse after postals.  Advantage Labor.

Tuesday 6:05 pm: More incredibly bad booths for Bandt, in Fawkner Park he got only 11% of preferences! I now project him at 47.6 and I think Labor has won.  It does occur to me that absents could be better for the Greens than before on account of previously strong areas being moved out of the electorate, but that won't be enough to change things. 

Wednesday 12:30 am:  In a blog post Ben Raue noted that the flow to the Greens in the one prepoll booth in this seat is very strong at 47%.  Well I am always keen to check my reasoning (this is what good scientists do, we attempt to destroy our own hypotheses) so I checked this out.  Could there be a strong difference between prepoll and on-the-day preference flows for whatever reason that would save Bandt?

Answer: no.  Checking the 2022 Melbourne flows by booth there were two small prepoll booths that stood out as outliers on the Green vote vs preference share graph while the larger prepolls were relatively normal.  In 2022 these were Footscray MELBOURNE and South Yarra MELBOURNE, in 2025 the culprit is Brunswick MELBOURNE.  What do these have in common?  Answer - while counted as ordinary votes they're not actually in the electorate!  So Liberal voters voting in them would most likely not have seen the Liberal how to vote card for Melbourne, resulting in a higher flow to Bandt.  

2025 Reps Postcount: Seats Where Indies May Make The Final Two (Calwell, Flinders, Forrest, Grey, etc)

Seats covered on this page

CALWELL ALP potentially vs IND, not even sure which IND yet, probably ALP but messy

FLINDERS LIB win (IND made final two but preference flow not enough to win)

FORREST LIB win as IND will not make the final two

GREY LIB win as IND will not make the final two

FISHER LNP win as IND will not make the final two

Click here for link to main Reps hub and summary page

MONASH has its own page - LIB win as IND will not make final two

This page covers seats which have the following property:

* An independent is in third or dicing for second/third on primaries (seats where an independent appears clearly second will be covered elsewhere)

* The independent may or may not make the final two after preferences

* If the independent makes the final two, it is not clear whether they win

Seats of this kind are increasingly common at state level, but until now have not been common federally.  Some general properties of this seat type can be noted.  Firstly in post-counting, the independent often falls backwards as a result of poor performance on postals and absent votes especially.  Secondly, it is not that common for the independents to actually make the final two (although in 2022, Suzie Holt in Groom to widespread surprise did so from fourth!) Indeed it is easy to overestimate the flows to them, as occurred in the recent Werribee by-election where the major party primary vote was smashed in a large field, but both majors outperformed the leading independent on preferences received by the 3-candidate-preferred stage.   Thirdly, the independent is usually way behind the primary-vote leading major party and has to get preferences at a high rate to win the seat, typically with the assistance of preferences that followed the other major party's how-to-vote cards.

At this stage it is hard to tell how many of the seats included in this list will be competitive, but it is easy to provide a broad starting overview of what is going on with them so I am putting up this thread as a starter.  Some seats may be moved into their own threads if especially interesting.

Calwell (Vic, ALP 12.4%, vacant)

Calwell has been vacated by 24-year incumbent Maria Vamvakinou and the voters have given her service a tribute with a 13.5% primary vote swing against Labor in a field with 13 candidates, six of whom will be seeing their deposits again. The seat includes five independents and was one of those targeted by Muslim Vote style campaigners, but the independent of interest here is Carly Moore, the ex-Labor former Hume mayor.  Although Moore is only on 13.5%, she is close enough to the Liberals to possibly move into the final two.

Current leaders are Basem Abdo (ALP) 31.6, Usman Ghani (Lib) 15.3, Moore (Ind) 13.5, Ravneet Garcha (GRN) 8.3, Joseph Youhana (Ind) 8.1 and Samim Mosleh (Ind) 7.8 - Mosleh was endorsed by Muslim Votes Matter.  Remaining are PHON 3.7 LCP 3.3 Citizens 3.0 Family First 2.6 ToP 2.6 and another IND and a Socialist Equality Party candidate (unregistered party) on 0.5.

On current primaries if Moore made the top two she would need 66.5% of preferences over Labor to win.  The other thing to note about Calwell is that at the time of writing the count is extremely incomplete with only 44.5% counted; the seat has several prepoll booths to report, the largest two of which took over 32000 votes.  Moore has so far done worse than average in prepolls but OK on postals, of which there are also several thousand still to come.

Sunday 10 pm: The count in Calwell has advanced to 70.9% and thrown up a new species of weird - second independent Joseph Youhana has surged on prepolls and is now on 11.9% with Moore on 12.1% and the Liberals on 15.5%.  This has unlocked the possibility that Youhana will jump Moore into third, either on primary votes or on preferences - it is now unclear which independent makes the 3CP.  While they are both further behind the Liberals than Moore was earlier, a Groom style indie to indie flow might still put one over the Liberals into the top two.  Abdo has done his part to maintain the suspense by dropping back to 30.7%.  Welcome to Calwell, the seat where nobody has any votes.

Monday: I understand the AEC intends to do a 3CP count in this seat after adding more postals.  (I am not sure how they'll decide which IND to include)

Wednesday: I understand that the Youhana charge has kyboshed that idea.  It is mildly notable that Youhana is preferenced above Abdo on the Greens how to vote card, but Moore is not.

Thursday: At the AEC briefing today the AEC advised that the complexities of this count were such that they had no sound method to find the winner other than to wait for the full distribution of preferences, and that because of the length of the distribution it is possible this could even take into the fifth week after the count (on a par with the Senate races!) to wrap up.

Tuesday 13th: Just keeping an eye on the primaries - Abdo is now at 30.8% Ghani 15.6 Moore 12.1 Youhana 11.3.  

Wednesday: Latest word from the AEC is that distribution of preferences will take about two weeks, starting next week.  

Flinders (Vic, Liberal 6.2%)

Flinders is held by first term Liberal Zoe McKenzie, who had the luxury of having two different teal candidates create confusion by running against her in 2022, but no such luck this time - she's up against Climate 200 funded pastor Ben Smith.  As I start this section Smith is in third place on primaries but only by 0.06%.  McKenzie has 40.80%, Sarah Race (ALP) 22.37, Smith 22.31, Greens 5.9, PHON 5.3, TOP 2.6 and anarchist Joseph Toscano has 0.8%.  The seat is quite well counted at 77.2% with all the prepolls in; most of the rest will be postals of which there may be 13000.  The postals so far have been very strong for Liberals and weak for Smith, and this is likely to continue on the rest but to a lesser degree.  At present Smith needs 75.1% of preferences to beat McKenzie.  Kylea Tink got 75.4% in North Sydney in 2022 off a similar primary but that was with a much lower minor right vote. I expect the asking rate will increase significantly and that McKenzie will retain.  

Monday: I understand the AEC intends to do a 3CP count in this seat after adding more postals.

Wednesday 12:40:  I have seen a partial AEC 3CP count in which Smith is narrowly in the final two but McKenzie's vote is too high to catch; I don't know how representative it is.  

Wednesday 8:30: The AEC 3CP count continues to bear out that it is irrelevant who makes the 3CP as McKenzie is too close to 50.

Tuesday 13th: With pretty much all votes counted to 3CP, it looks a lot like Smith is going to make the 2CP but need at least 87% of Labor exclusion preferences, which is too much.   At least we get to see a realignment!  In the state seat of Mornington Kate Lardner got 83.8% in 2022 which is at the higher end of these results, and that was with Labor, Green and AJP votes being a higher proportion of the preference pool.  I have heard that scrutineers are seeing about an 80% flow.  

Tuesday 7:00 The realignment of Flinders to McKenzie vs Smith has commenced.  Smith needs 76.7% of preferences and may well get that in some of the booths; the AEC 2CP count will bounce around wildly and best to disregard it for now.  The fact that he needs 87% on the Labor exclusion (which is way above what he needs overall) is a very strong sign that it isn't happening.  Some absent and out of division prepolls have been realigned.  If they are representative of those vote types then Smith is getting 71.1% and 64.3% of preferences in these votes overall.  

Wednesday: The realignment is proceeding quickly. McKenzie has a large live lead partly because the postals are mostly or all done, her lead will probably come down substantially as more booths are added.

Wednesday 5:16 The ABC is for some reason projecting only 51-49 for this seat, I am projecting 52.3 to McKenzie.

Forrest (WA, Liberal 4.2%, vacant)

Forrest, a once safe Coalition seat, moved into marginal territory in 2022 as part of the big swing to Labor in WA.  On the retirement of 16-year incumbent Nola Marino, former Senator Ben Small has done OK on the 2PP which is currently showing as 52.5 to him vs Labor's Tabitha Dowding, but the possible issue is another Climate 200 - supported independent, Sue Chapman.  At present Small has 31.75% (an 11.1% swing against), Dowding 22.69, Chapman 18.45.  One Nation has a chunky 8.6%, Greens 7.4, LCP 5.0, Nationals 4.8, ToP 1.4%.  Forrest looks set to follow Lyne and Groom 2022 as the only previous seats where seven candidates have reached 4% (I suspect there are others like that this election but haven't checked). 

It is not trivial for Chapman to get into second across the 4.2% gap, especially as the Greens have recommended preferences to Labor ahead of Forrest for the few voters who will follow their card.  If she does, she currently needs only 63.4% of preferences over Small - but the Nationals preferences will help Small, and Chapman might currently need over 67% of the rest.  (One might expect One Nation would too, as per their how-to-vote card, but there have been cases of One Nation prefs flowing to pretty much any independent in cases like this, especially in the SA 2023 state election.)  If the One Nation preferences split 50-50 then the asking rate is in the low 70s, which is achievable.  I think Chapman probably won't make the final two but if she does it could yet be rather close, and noting a micro-close projection by Poll Bludger I prefer to leave the seat in minor doubt.  The count in Forrest is nicely advanced on 81.8% with only a few thousand postals, absents and the usual scraps to come.  So far postals have had little impact.

Monday: I understand the AEC intends to do a 3CP count in this seat after adding more postals.

Tuesday: We really need a 3CP here but worth noting Poll Bludger projection currently has Chapman ahead.

Wednesday 12:40:  I have seen a partial AEC 3CP count in which Chapman is narrowly outside the final two but do not know how representative it is.  

Wednesday 10 am: Poll Bludger has the news that the booths included in the 3CP are Bunbury, Busselton PPVC, Carbanup River, Margaret River, Busselton West, Brunswick, Burdekup and Boyanup. Collectively these booths are very strong for the Liberals but they are about 1.8 points weaker for Labor and 1.8 points weaker for Chapman than the seat average - which is nicely representative as concerns the two fighting for a 3CP spot.  The booths selected have slightly more Greens votes as a proportion of preferences than the booth total but it's hard to predict who out of Chapman and Dowding that might help at the 3CP stage.  

Wednesday 8:30 Chapman is very close to making the 3CP in the live incomplete 3CP count.  If she does she currently needs 72.2% of the Labor exclusion (which includes votes flowing to Labor from others) to win.

Thursday night Chapman continues to very narrowly miss the 3CP in the live count, currently by 0.62%.  If she misses by such a small margin it will put heat on the Greens for their how to vote decision in this seat.  

Friday night: Rinse and repeat, Chapman currently missing by just 0.32%.  (But out of division votes are likely to make it harder.)

Saturday: In today's update Chapman is missing by 528 vores (0.58%).  The AEC has unmashed the 2CP count signalling that Chapman will miss the final two, and Small will win the seat.

Grey (SA, Liberal 10.1%, vacant)

A similar story to Forrest.  South Australia's giant seat has been crossbench bait for a while now and the retirement of 18-year incumbent Rowan Ramsey has seen replacement Tom Venning cop a 10.6% primary vote swing.  Venning has 34.72%, Labor's Karin Bolton 22.50 and Climate 200 supported independent Anita Kuss has 18.20.  One Nation has 9.7, Greens 5.7, Family First 3.6, Nats 3.2 and ToP 2.4%.  Kuss would need to gain 4.3% off mostly right-wing preferences (a gain rate around 0.17 preferences per vote in a three-way split) because there isn't a lot of Green vote here.  

Currently Kuss would need a 67.5% preference flow vs Liberals to win if in second place after preferences.  Given the proportion of the preferences that are from right-wing sources that seems very difficult and I also doubt that Kuss will make the top two anyway.  Postals of which there may be 9000 to come will not help either (those counted so far have been somewhat poor for Kuss) and I am expecting that Venning should win the seat some way or other, but I'm by no means absolutely calling it.  It's worth noting that in Grey 2016 the flow of Labor and Greens preferences to Nick Xenophon Team vs Liberal was in the low to mid 70s, though in that case the seat wasn't vacant. (Edit: this was because Labor ran an open HTV, see comments.)

Wednesday 8:30  / Thursday The AEC has commenced a 3CP count in this seat, but the booths counted so far are very unrepresentative.  If the preference shares for them are applied across the whole of the seat then Kuss misses the top two by 1.3%.  That said the booths counted so far are better for Labor than for Kuss, but not by much - so Labor may be doing slightly worse on preferences elsewhere.  

Thursday night: Kuss has fallen to third in the live 3CP as it continues, albeit very narrowly.

Friday: Kuss is still in third in the live 3CP.  Venning is over 50 which is presumably not representative (in the opposite direction to Wednesday). [EDIT: it was actually a calculation error.]

Saturday: Kuss is now in second in the live 3CP (Venning 41.54 Kuss 30.03 Bolton 28.43).  It's not possible for me to map this to even a properly estimated primary set as the count now includes three different types of declaration votes and I don't know the number of votes in each one, though I could perhaps assume all the absents and dec prepolls are in and ... nah, probably not worth the effort since my postal estimate could be off anyway.  What I have determined is that in the within-electorate booths that are in the count, which I have as 78.5% of the current 3CP, Kuss's primary vote is 2.9 points higher than her electorate total for ordinary votes, and Venning's is 2.2 points lower.  On this basis I doubt that Kuss makes the final two and also suspect that if she does she will be chasing something like 78% of the Labor exclusion preferences, which is hard with such a high One Nation vote.  

Sunday overnight: I have heard that major party scrutineers are confident that Kuss won't make the top two though Kuss team remain optimistic.  Also that Kuss actually does very well on One Nation preferences (similar to a lot of indies in the SA election, there seemed to be a pattern there that One Nation voters would like pretty much any independent over the majors.)

Monday: I'm advised and have seen supporting 3CP figures that some booths including the very pro-Labor Whyalla PPVC that were counted to 3CP did not make it into the most recent 3CP update.  Once these booths are included Kuss drops out of the live final two by over 1000.  

Tuesday:  I understand the 3CP gap won't be even close and is likely to blow out to over 2000.

Wednesday: The AEC has unmasked the 2CP count indicating that Kuss has definitely missed the final two.

Thursday: Kuss performed better on later absents and declaration votes than expected and was trailing 35323-25626-24466 when the 3CP count was halted, so just 1160 behind though that is still likely to increase by hundreds on remaining votes.  

Fisher (Qld, Liberal 8.7%)

I've added Fisher because there's some interesting stuff going on with this one though I believe the LNP's Andrew Wallace will retain it.  Fisher didn't receive as much attention in the leadup as McPherson but Climate 200 backed independent Keryn Jones is threatening to get into the final two against Andrew Wallace (LNP).  At the moment with 79.8% counted Wallace has 37.73%, Morrison Lakey (Labor) 22.21, Jones 16.61, the Greens have 9.16, One Nation 5.96, Gerard Rennick People First have 4.19, Trumpet of Patriots 2.49, Family First 1.66.  Wallace wins the 2PP vs Labor by miles (currently 57-43), the interest is whether Jones can make the final two.

The AEC's ongoing three-candidate count currently has Jones in second place after the counting of 6 booths to 3CP.  And not by a small margin either - Jones is in front of Lakey by 10.62%.  But these are booths that are very favourable to Jones compared to the count as a whole, she's running 5.38 points above her Fisher-wide vote in them and Lakey is running 2.16 below.  If the 3CP preference flows from these booths are applied to the current primary totals, Jones still makes the 3CP, but the margin is only 1.73% (28.64-26.91).  Furthermore, since these are good booths for Jones that are weak for both major parties it is likely that the 3CP preference flows to her are stronger in these booths than in the rest of the electorate, and furthermore to the furthermore the Greens have a higher share of the preference pool in the booths counted (43.2% vs 39%) which may be slightly boosting the flow to Jones (she is getting 51% 3CP in these booths).  On this basis, I don't have much trust in Jones remaining in the top two, but she might.

If Jones does make the top two she currently needs 73.1% of all preferences to flow to her over Wallace.  That seems very difficult to me given the proportion of the preference pool that is right-wing minor parties.  Also if the 3CP split is the same across Fisher as it is in the booths so far then she would need 79% of the Labor exclusion, but I expect that what will actually happen is that the LNP share of the 3CP vote across the electorate will be higher and Jones' share will be lower, even if Jones does manage to keep getting enough relative to Labor to make the final two.  So I suspect Jones will end up needing something well over an 80 share of the Labor exclusion and that is unlikely.  There are also still several thousand postals to go, as well as absents which are often difficult for independents (though perhaps not so in this case because Jones will get Labor and Green preference flows from them).  

All up I think it is very likely indeed that Wallace will retain but I thought it was worth spelling this seat out in detail and keeping an eye on it.

Thursday night:  Today's 3CP counting indeed saw Jones' 3CP lead rapidly fall in the incomplete count (down to 2.4% after 15 booths).  I have not yet had time to try to determine the representativeness of the new lot but may do so tomorrow if time permits - it's also difficult because they include Postal 7 which is presumably a recently received postal set that is perhaps lefter than the others.  

Friday morning: Ben Raue has projected that based on the current preference flow Jones just makes the top three and then needs 81% of Labor exclusion preferences to win.  Asssuming a variable relationship between Jones' primary votes and her 3CP preference flows I suspect there's still a good chance that she misses the top three but in any case 81% seems very unlikely given the minor party mix.  Alex Dyson got about that in Wannon 2022 but that was with the Greens vote only slightly below the minor right vote; in this case the Labor exclusion will have more random voters.  

Friday 8:20 Ben will probably do a better one as I think he might have access to more postal data but on my projection when all the votes are in Jones' current 1.39 point lead on the 3CP becomes more or less tied - I have both her and Lakey on a projected final 3CP of 27.71.  The issue is that the remaining votes, especially the Budina and Caloundra East prepolls, are good for Wallace which takes away votes that can potentially go to Jones as preferences (I suspect it also means Wallace gets more of them).  I suspect on this basis Jones is a little more likely than not to miss the 3CP but it's extremely close and she might do it.  I also still think the mountain's probably too steep if she does. [EDIT: Ben's projection is almost identical to mine with Jones ahead 27.76-27.64]

Saturday: With more booths added, in the live count Jones' lead has only come down slightly to 1.27 points, and projected across all the primary votes I have her ahead 27.63-27.55.  I still think she could well miss the 3CP because of weak preference flows on votes where she does worse that are not yet included in the 3CP count, and also because of yet-to-be-added out of division prepolls, but it is very close and she still could make it.  If she does I project the target of ALP-exclusion prefs at 81.1% which seems too high and will probably increase further, but Jones' excellent performance in getting 3CP prefs does suggest some doubt about that.  

Monday: I previously noted Ben Raue had a much more optimistic projection off Saturday's data but he says it was in error and his actually had Jones missing by 0.07.  Would be interesting if one of these indies would actually make the final two just so we could see the preference flow but not looking good!

Monday 10:20 pm:  A couple of large prepolls are now in the 3CP but it is light on for postals and lacking any absents with out of division prepolls still to come.  In the live count Jones now is still in second but the margin is falling, now 44.2-28.29-27.51.  On my estimate which takes into account the votes that have been counted to primaries but not 3CPs she is in very narrowly, 44.57-27.79-27.65, however while that's slightly better than before I still don't expect it to survive out of division prepolls and further absents.  In the event that it does, the target share of ALP exclusion prefs is down in my model to 80.3.

Tuesday 5:00 pm:  With nearly all votes received now in the 3CP Jones has now fallen out of the 2CP by 187 votes, 44.67 (Wallace)-27.75 (Lakey)-27.58 (Jones), so Lakey 0.1 better and Jones 0.21 worse than my projection yesterday, probably reflecting a worse preference share for Jones in votes she did worse on.  With more vote types that Jones does badly on to come it is clear now Jones is not going to make the 2CP and Wallace will win the seat.  

Wednesday: The 3CP gap from Labor to Jones continues to widen, now at 480 votes; we may see the unmasking of the 2PP count soon.