This week finally saw the long-awaited return of voting intention polling to the field following the great 2019 election opinion polling failure. Newspoll returned ten weeks after the election, its longest break between in-field dates ever, and its longest break between releases except for two eleven-week summer recess breaks very early in its history. The poll, which had the Coalition ahead 53-47 two-party preferred, was the first voting intention poll by anyone since the election. The ten-week gap without any published attempt to measure voting intention by any pollster was the longest such gap since at least the early 1970s.
The first poll to poke its head over the parapet was of course pelted with eggs on social media. The strong prior accuracy records of the Newspoll brand, Galaxy Research and Australian federal polling generally were suddenly no protection against charges that polling was no better than astrology. Much of the pelting came from hopelessly biased Twitter entities who have always hated and distrusted Newspoll because of its Murdoch connections, who used to insist the poll was Coalition-skewed, and now hate it because it got their hopes up for an election their side lost. So that aspect is a moveable feast of complaint. But is there any reason for confidence yet that YouGov-Galaxy has identified and fixed whatever went wrong with its polling earlier this year? Given that it underestimated the Coalition by three points at the election, is there any evidence for confidence that it isn't still doing so?
Well no, there isn't really (though that doesn't mean we should read this poll as really 56-44). At this stage, alas, YouGov-Galaxy and the Australian have done very little that should restore public trust or to even convince us that they care whether their poll will be trusted or not.
ELECTORAL, POLLING AND POLITICAL ANALYSIS, COMMENT AND NEWS FROM THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CLARK. THOSE WHO WANT TO BAN TEENAGERS FROM SOCIAL MEDIA ARE NOT LETTING KIDS BE KIDS, THEY'RE MAKING TEENAGERS BE KIDS.
Tuesday, July 30, 2019
Wednesday, July 17, 2019
Hobart Building Heights Elector Poll
On Monday the Tasmanian Electoral Commission released the results of a voluntary postal elector poll about building heights in the Hobart City portion of Greater Hobart. This non-binding elector poll has been something of an oddity with a lot of commentary making various claims about it so I thought I'd say a few things about it too.
The turnout
The elector poll attracted a response rate of 42.39%. This compares to the response rate of 61.94% at the 2018 Hobart City Council election, however that was a record high turnout for Hobart, which had never been above 55.5% before.
I have found data for fourteen previous elector polls going back to the mid-1990s, of which six were held concurrently with council elections and eight were held separately. Of the eight held separately, I have comparable data for six, and of these turnouts ranged from 83% to 109% of the previous election's turnout for that council (in many cases I have had to use raw turnout figures as I cannot find enrolment data at the time of the poll). So this elector poll at 68% of the municipality's previous turnout has the lowest comparative turnout rate - and this would be so even without Hobart's 2018 turnout spike. Issues in comparable elector polls included amalgamation, a proposed major pulp mill, whether to move a council's administration, whether to change a council's name, the location of a waste disposal site and options for a lawn cemetery. To complete the set, other issues that have been canvassed in elector polls have included water supply and pricing options (including whether fluoride should be added), and the boundaries of a municipality. It's notable that one of the three pulp mill polls occurred in Hobart, about 200 km away from the pulp mill site.
The turnout
The elector poll attracted a response rate of 42.39%. This compares to the response rate of 61.94% at the 2018 Hobart City Council election, however that was a record high turnout for Hobart, which had never been above 55.5% before.
I have found data for fourteen previous elector polls going back to the mid-1990s, of which six were held concurrently with council elections and eight were held separately. Of the eight held separately, I have comparable data for six, and of these turnouts ranged from 83% to 109% of the previous election's turnout for that council (in many cases I have had to use raw turnout figures as I cannot find enrolment data at the time of the poll). So this elector poll at 68% of the municipality's previous turnout has the lowest comparative turnout rate - and this would be so even without Hobart's 2018 turnout spike. Issues in comparable elector polls included amalgamation, a proposed major pulp mill, whether to move a council's administration, whether to change a council's name, the location of a waste disposal site and options for a lawn cemetery. To complete the set, other issues that have been canvassed in elector polls have included water supply and pricing options (including whether fluoride should be added), and the boundaries of a municipality. It's notable that one of the three pulp mill polls occurred in Hobart, about 200 km away from the pulp mill site.
Friday, July 5, 2019
Tasmanian Local Government Reform Proposals (2019)
The Tasmanian Government has been conducting a detailed review of local government legislation in the state, including electoral rules. This week this took a major step forward with the release of the Reform Directions Paper. This outlines a series of possible changes that, based on further feedback, may then appear in the government's draft legislation. Many of the suggested changes are excellent, in particular reducing the number of boxes a voter must number on the councillor ballot for a valid vote.
My main reason for writing this article is to raise major concerns about some of the proposed options for electing mayors. The paper gives four possible options for mayors, one of these being the status quo (the mayor is elected directly, anyone enrolled in the council area can run for mayor, the mayor must be elected as a councillor to serve as mayor). While the status quo has some issues, I don't like any of the three alternatives much, and two of them are especially unsound. I am writing this article mainly to provide detailed reasons as to why these options are bad, and I encourage anyone who wants to to use these arguments in their submissions, or add others. While I'm doing this I may as well comment quickly on other aspects of the paper.
There's plenty of time to send a submission with submissions not due until 30 September. For some reason the official closing time for submissions is 5 pm.
Monday, July 1, 2019
Not-A-Poll: Best State Premier/Chief Minister Of The Last 40 Years: Final Round 1
A loooong time ago when the world was young and innocent I started a runoff series to select this site's choice as best state Premier or Chief Minister of every state and territory in the last 40 years. The plan was to then run a final with all the state and territory winners together. Ultimately and unsurprisingly with the left-wing skew of readers on this and other psephology sites, Labor leaders won every round convincingly, so I also ran a runoff to get a token Liberal into the final as well. Earlier this year I got too busy with all the elections going on to run new rounds when each month started, so I have waited until the elections were over before starting the final.
Our contestants and their histories in this contest are:
NSW - Neville Wran, Premier 1976-1986. Topped the NSW group first round with 37.8% and thrashed Bob Carr 152-50 in the runoff.
Victoria - Daniel Andrews, Premier 2014-present. The only current Premier to win a state, Andrews polled second in the Victorian group first round with 25.3%, but with a landslide election victory under his belt, defeated Steve Bracks 158-102 in the runoff (which was postponed in an attempt to reduce contamination from the state election.)
Queensland - Wayne Goss, Premier 1989-1996. Tied with Peter Beattie on 29.3% in the Queensland group first round then cleaned up Beattie 122-73 in the runoff
Western Australia - Geoff Gallop, Premier 2001-2006. Gallop won the WA first round narrowly with 32.5%. The first runoff against Carmen Lawrence was tied 97-97 and I hadn't made a rule for ties so there was a second runoff, which Gallop won 75-71.
South Australia - Don Dunstan, Premier 1967-1968, 1970-1979. Smacked it out of the park with 57.4% in the SA group first round.
Tasmania - Jim Bacon, Premier 1998-2004. Polled 37.3% in the Tasmanian group first round and defeated Lara Giddings 105-84 in the runoff.
ACT - Katy Gallagher, Chief Minister 2011-2014. Polled 40.3% in the ACT group first round and defeated Jon Stanhope 119-52 in the runoff.
NT - Clare Martin, Chief Minister 2001-2007. The only other leader to win in the first round, with 57.6% in the NT first round (none of the others even managed double figures!)
And the Coalition wildcard is Nick Greiner, NSW Premier 1988-1992, who eventually won a long series of Coalition eliminations, defeating Kate Carnell (ACT), who I had been suspecting would win the Coalition series when I started it, 58-38 in the final.
I've decided not to add any more wildcards.
The rules for the final runoffs are:
* The last candidate in each round is eliminated.
* Any candidate failing to poll 8% in a round is eliminated.
* Ties are resolved in favour of the last leader on primaries at a previous stage at which there wasn't a tie, and failing that in favour of the candidate least recently in office.
* Any candidate who could not mathematically win or tie from their position in a preferential election is eliminated.
Spruiking is, as always, welcome in comments. Voting for round 1 is open til the end of August.
Our contestants and their histories in this contest are:
NSW - Neville Wran, Premier 1976-1986. Topped the NSW group first round with 37.8% and thrashed Bob Carr 152-50 in the runoff.
Victoria - Daniel Andrews, Premier 2014-present. The only current Premier to win a state, Andrews polled second in the Victorian group first round with 25.3%, but with a landslide election victory under his belt, defeated Steve Bracks 158-102 in the runoff (which was postponed in an attempt to reduce contamination from the state election.)
Queensland - Wayne Goss, Premier 1989-1996. Tied with Peter Beattie on 29.3% in the Queensland group first round then cleaned up Beattie 122-73 in the runoff
Western Australia - Geoff Gallop, Premier 2001-2006. Gallop won the WA first round narrowly with 32.5%. The first runoff against Carmen Lawrence was tied 97-97 and I hadn't made a rule for ties so there was a second runoff, which Gallop won 75-71.
South Australia - Don Dunstan, Premier 1967-1968, 1970-1979. Smacked it out of the park with 57.4% in the SA group first round.
Tasmania - Jim Bacon, Premier 1998-2004. Polled 37.3% in the Tasmanian group first round and defeated Lara Giddings 105-84 in the runoff.
ACT - Katy Gallagher, Chief Minister 2011-2014. Polled 40.3% in the ACT group first round and defeated Jon Stanhope 119-52 in the runoff.
NT - Clare Martin, Chief Minister 2001-2007. The only other leader to win in the first round, with 57.6% in the NT first round (none of the others even managed double figures!)
And the Coalition wildcard is Nick Greiner, NSW Premier 1988-1992, who eventually won a long series of Coalition eliminations, defeating Kate Carnell (ACT), who I had been suspecting would win the Coalition series when I started it, 58-38 in the final.
I've decided not to add any more wildcards.
The rules for the final runoffs are:
* The last candidate in each round is eliminated.
* Any candidate failing to poll 8% in a round is eliminated.
* Ties are resolved in favour of the last leader on primaries at a previous stage at which there wasn't a tie, and failing that in favour of the candidate least recently in office.
* Any candidate who could not mathematically win or tie from their position in a preferential election is eliminated.
Spruiking is, as always, welcome in comments. Voting for round 1 is open til the end of August.
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